Suchergebnisse

It is worthwhile to search the associations among militaristic attitudes, national identity, and uninational ideology empirically because they may be highly relevant to various issues such as support for military actions, using military to solve intergroup conflicts, and the willingness to join the army. The main purpose of the article was to empirically examine the associations among militaristic attitudes, national identity, and uninational ideology. To pursue this aim, we first developed a militaristic attitudes scale, covering attitudes toward military, militarization, and militarism (Study 1); and then explored the predictive powers of Turkish identity and uninational ideology on the militaristic attitudes (Study 2). University students (N = 339; 215 women and 124 men; Md-nage = 23, M-age = 23.84, SD = 4.44) completed an item pool of Militaristic Attitudes Scale and demographic information form in Study 1. Factor analyses of the scale resulted in 5 factors (attitudes toward followings issues: existence of the military [alpha = .95], value of the military [alpha = .89], militaristic system [alpha = .81], political position of military [alpha = .75], and compulsory military service [alpha = .87]). In Study 2, 583 university students (318 women and 265 men; Mdn(age) = 22, M-age = 22.09, SD = 2.32) completed the scales of militaristic attitudes, social identity, and uninational ideology as well as demographic information form. People who strongly identified with Turkish nationalism and supported uninational ideology had higher positive militaristic attitudes after controlling for demographic variables. These studies resulted in a reliable and valid scale to test militaristic attitudes at various levels such as institutional, system based, and ideological. Both studies provided some possible answers about who would support militaristic attitudes more within a society. These results may be useful for researchers who study militarism, militarization, identity, and nationalism.

Why do people support the masculine structure of the Turkish military? Why do women hold inferior positions in the military? How are sexism and Turkish identification relevant to attitudes toward the masculine structure of the military? Focusing on these questions, the current study explored the associations among Turkish identification, ambivalent sexism (including hostile and benevolent sexism), and attitudes toward the masculine structure of the military in Turkey after controlling for gender, political views, and military affiliation. University students (316 women; 262 men; M (age) = 22.02, SD = 2.20) completed the Attitude toward The Masculine Structure of the Military, Turkish Identification, Ambivalent Sexism scales and provided information about age, gender, political view, and military affiliation. The results showed that Turkish identification, hostile sexism, and benevolent sexism predicted attitudes toward the masculine structure of the military after controlling for gender, political view, and military affiliation. Participants who scored higher on Turkish identification and hostile and benevolent sexism supported the masculine structure of the military. The findings may be useful for researchers who aim to better understand why Turkish military personnel is primarily male, how some improvement can be provided for the process of recruitment and retention of military personnel, and how to improve the positions of women in the military or women who would like to join military.

This study examined the relationship of ambivalent sexism, political conservatism, demographic variables (age, education, and gender), and prior sexual experience to Turkish men's and women's attitudes toward women who engage in premarital sex. Participants included 124 Turkish undergraduate students and 60 nonstudent Turkish adults. Benevolent but not hostile sexism uniquely predicted more negative views of women who engage in premarital sex once other variables were controlled. Regression analyses demonstrated that for both men and women, older, more politically conservative and less sexually experienced respondents and more educated men (but not women) respondents were more likely to disapprove of women who engage in premarital sex. Similarly, regression analysis revealed that men who were older, politically conservative, and less sexually experienced expressed stronger preferences for marrying a virgin. Both hostile and benevolent sexism predicted men's preference for marrying a virgin after all other variables were controlled.

This study examined the relationship of ambivalent sexism, political conservatism, demographic variables (age, education, and gender), and prior sexual experience to Turkish men's and women's attitudes toward women who engage in premarital sex. Participants included 124 Turkish undergraduate students and 60 nonstudent Turkish adults. Benevolent but not hostile sexism uniquely predicted more negative views of women who engage in premarital sex once other variables were controlled. Regression analyses demonstrated that for both men and women, older, more politically conservative and less sexually experienced respondents and more educated men (but not women) respondents were more likely to disapprove of women who engage in premarital sex. Similarly, regression analysis revealed that men who were older, politically conservative, and less sexually experienced expressed stronger preferences for marrying a virgin. Both hostile and benevolent sexism predicted men's preference for marrying a virgin after all other variables were controlled.

The study explored the association among attitudes toward lesbians and gay men, system justification, social contact, political orientation, and gender in a Muslim heterosexual sample in Turkey. Participants (N = 377; Women = 276 & Men = 101; MAge = 21.83, SDAge = 2.00) completed scales of Attitudes toward Gay Men (ATG) and Lesbians (ATL), system justification, and demographic information. Men had more negative scores on ATG and ATL than women. Gay men were evaluated more negatively than lesbians by men. Having higher scores on system justification, being close to extreme right political orientation, and having lower social contact with gay men/lesbians were associated with negative ATG and ATL. Men scored higher on ATG, indicating negative attitudes toward gay men, but there was not a significant difference between women and men for ATL.

The study explored the association among attitudes toward lesbians and gay men, system justification, social contact, political orientation, and gender in a Muslim heterosexual sample in Turkey. Participants (N = 377; Women = 276 & Men = 101; MAge = 21.83, SDAge = 2.00) completed scales of Attitudes toward Gay Men (ATG) and Lesbians (ATL), system justification, and demographic information. Men had more negative scores on ATG and ATL than women. Gay men were evaluated more negatively than lesbians by men. Having higher scores on system justification, being close to extreme right political orientation, and having lower social contact with gay men/lesbians were associated with negative ATG and ATL. Men scored higher on ATG, indicating negative attitudes toward gay men, but there was not a significant difference between women and men for ATL.

A 16-nation study involving 8,360 participants revealed that hostile and benevolent attitudes toward men, assessed by the Ambivalence Toward Men Inventory (P. Glick & S. T. Fiske, 1999), were (a) reliably measured across cultures, (b) positively correlated (for men and women, within samples and across nations) with each other and with hostile and benevolent sexism toward women (Ambivalent Sexism Inventory, P. Glick & S. T. Fiske, 1996), and (c) negatively correlated with gender equality in cross-national comparisons. Stereotype measures indicated that men were viewed as having less positively valenced but more powerful traits than women. The authors argue that hostile as well as benevolent attitudes toward men reflect and support gender inequality by characterizing men as being designed for dominance.

Perceptions of America as a powerful but malevolent nation decrease its security. On the basis of measures derived from the stereotype content model (SCM) and image theory (IT), 5,000 college students in I I nations indicated their perceptions of the personality traits of, intentions of, and emotional reactions to the United States as well as their reactions to relevant world events (e.g., 9/11). The United States was generally perceived as competent but cold and arrogant. Although participants distinguished between the United States' government and its citizens, differences were small. Consistent with the SCM and IT, viewing the United States as intent on domination predicted perceptions of lack of warmth and of arrogance but not of competence and status. The discussion addresses implications for terrorist recruitment and ally support.

Perceptions of America as a powerful but malevolent nation decrease its security. On the basis of measures derived from the stereotype content model (SCM) and image theory (IT), 5,000 college students in I I nations indicated their perceptions of the personality traits of, intentions of, and emotional reactions to the United States as well as their reactions to relevant world events (e.g., 9/11). The United States was generally perceived as competent but cold and arrogant. Although participants distinguished between the United States' government and its citizens, differences were small. Consistent with the SCM and IT, viewing the United States as intent on domination predicted perceptions of lack of warmth and of arrogance but not of competence and status. The discussion addresses implications for terrorist recruitment and ally support.

The authors argue that complementary hostile and benevolent components of sexism exist across cultures. Male dominance creates hostile sexism IHS), but men's dependence on women fosters benevolent sexism (BS)-subjectively positive attitudes that put women on a pedestal but reinforce their subordination. Research with 15,000 men and women in 19 nations showed that (a) HS and BS are coherent constructs that correlate positively across nations, but (b) HS predicts the ascription of negative and BS the ascription of positive traits to women, (c) relative to men, women are more likely to reject HS than BS, especially when overall levels of sexism in a culture are high, and (d) national averages on BS and HS predict gender inequality across nations. These results challenge prevailing notions of prejudice as an antipathy in that BS tan affectionate, patronizing ideology) reflects inequality and is a cross-culturally pervasive complement to HS.