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For generations, the history of the British empire was written by its victors. British historians' accounts of conquest guided the consolidation of imperial rule in India, the Middle East, Africa and the Caribbean. Their narratives of the development of imperial governance licensed the brutal suppression of colonial rebellion. Their reimagining of empire during the two world wars compromised the force of decolonization. In this brilliant work, Priya Satia shows how these historians not only interpreted the major political events of their time but also shaped the future that followed. History emerged as a mode of ethics in the modern period, endowing historians from John Stuart Mill to Winston Churchill with outsized policymaking power. Braided with this story is an account of alternative visions articulated by anticolonial thinkers such as William Blake, Mahatma Gandhi and E. P. Thompson. By the mid-twentieth century, their approaches had reshaped the discipline of history and the ethics that came with it. This book reveals the dramatic consequences of writing history today as much as in the past. Against the backdrop of enduring global inequalities and debates about reparations and the legacy of empire, Satia offers us a hugely important and urgent moral voice.

Time's Monster demonstrates the dramatic consequences of writing history today as much as in the past. Against the backdrop of enduring global inequalities, debates about reparations, and the crisis in the humanities, Satia's is an urgent moral voice"--

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Preface -- Introduction -- Part One. THE INDUSTRIAL LIFE OF GUNS -- 1. The State and the Gun Industry, Part 1: 1688– 1756 -- 2. Who Made Guns? -- 3. The State and the Gun Industry, Part 2: 1756– 1815 -- 4. The State, War, and Industrial Revolution -- Part Two. THE SOCIAL LIFE OF GUNS -- Interlude: A Brief Lesson from African History -- 5. Guns and Money -- 6. Guns in Arms, Part 1: Home -- 7. Guns in Arms, Part 2: Abroad -- Part Three. THE MORAL LIFE OF GUNS -- Interlude: A Brief Account of the Society of Friends -- 8. Galton's Disownment -- 9. The Gun Trade after 1815 -- 10. Opposition to the Gun Trade after 1815 -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

Abstract
In his 2003 essay, "On Agency," Walter Johnson faulted the way scholars' focus on agency presumed a "unidirectional trade between past and present," treating "history writing as a mode of redress." It marginalized "human-ness lived outside the conventions" of a "liberal notion of selfhood." Restoring agency to the enslaved made the scholar feel better about themselves without making the world any better: "therapy rather than politics." Looking back on this pivotal assessment of social history from the vantage of twenty years, its criticisms seem relevant to the use of agency in its time (and ours) more than to the concept's original invention in the era of decolonization after World War II. In that time, drawing on anticolonial thought, history-from-below emerged precisely to contest liberal notions of selfhood and reform the existing, whiggish two-way trade between past and present. Revisiting that turn reminds us that questions raised by the category of "agency" were present at its making and that it is unlikely that academic scholarship can fulfill more than a therapeutic function without affiliated struggles to remake the academy and popular politics. Reminding us of history-from-below's foundational commitment to building up "the present-life of the past" and challenging the individuated ideal of selfhood, this essay notes the continued urgency of recovering alternative subjectivities as we face the planetary crisis created by dominance of Enlightenment notions of history and selfhood. Though scholarship in the academy may not be capable of the political impact Johnson imagined, it nevertheless furthers history's actual end of internal transformation.

This article places the Middle East campaigns at the heart of the effort to understand the First World War's cultural impact in Britain. By doing so, it shows that the effects typically attributed to the western front—loss of faith in technology and heroism—were mediated in important ways by lessons emerging from the Middle Eastern fronts in Palestine and Mesopotamia, where the British found their faith in technology strengthened. By incorporating that cultural legacy, we can better understand why Britons remained committed to the war and why they maintained their faith in industrial development and imperial warfare after the war had ended. The heroic image of T. E. Lawrence and of the infrastructural development undertaken by the British military in Mesopotamia bolstered faith in technology and imperialism just when the western front was revealing their darker side. The article begins with a study of the unique military tactics the British adopted in the region, shaped by particular cultural notions about a largely imaginary "Arabia": deception, irregular warfare, and airpower were used to an unprecedented degree in these campaigns. It goes on to show how the British government strove to capitalize on the propaganda effects of these "sideshows" as they became successful. In particular, they stressed the notion that the empire could find redemption in the restoration of the ancient "cradle of civilization." Such ideas sustained idealistic notions even as the western front unleashed a new kind of cynicism.

RésuméL'auteure soutient dans cet article que l'impact culturel de la Première Guerre mondiale en Grande-Bretagne ne peut être compris que si l'on donne aux campagnes du Moyen- Orient la place centrale qui est la leur. Il montre qu'un des effets généralement attribués au front de l'Ouest – une totale perte de foi dans la technique et dans l'héroïsme individuel – a été compensé, à bien des égards, par les leçons tirées de la guerre en Palestine et en Mésopotamie, où cette même foi a connu chez les Britanniques un formidable regain. Si l'on prend en compte cet héritage culturel, on comprend mieux pourquoi ce peuple est resté engagé dans la guerre et a continué de croire dans le développement industriel et la guerre impérialiste une fois le conflit mondial terminé. L'aura héroïque de Thomas Edward Lawrence (Lawrence d'Arabie) et l'image du développement des infrastructures entrepris par l'armée britannique en Mésopotamie ont en effet donné un nouvel essor à la foi dans la technique et dans l'empire, tandis que le front de l'Ouest en révélait un visage autrement plus terrible. Le texte s'ouvre sur l'étude des tactiques militaires originales que les Britanniques, influencés par une vision singulière d'une « Arabie » largement imaginaire, ont adoptées à un degré sans précédent dans la région : la ruse, la guerre irrégulière et la force aérienne. L'auteur montre ensuite comment le gouvernement, à mesure que les succès se multipliaient, s'est efforcé de capitaliser sur la propagande entourant ces « théâtres secondaires » de guerre. Il s'agissait notamment de mettre en avant l'idée que l'empire trouverait une rédemption dans la restauration de l'antique « berceau de la civilisation », entretenant ainsi des notions d'un idéalisme achevé, quand, sur le front de l'Ouest, un nouveau type de cynisme faisait rage.

This article offers a history of drones grounded in the British use of aerial control in the Middle East and Afghanistan before World War II, rather than in the history of technology. Such a history promises a better understanding of the drone strategy's likelihood of success because it shows how history, memory, and politics have shaped both the use of aerial control and its reception. Specific cultural and political assumptions first underwrote the invention of aerial control in the Middle East and continue to guide the use of drones in the region today. Our focus on remote piloting as the most controversial aspect of drone use has distracted us from these critical continuities with earlier uses of air power.