Suchergebnisse

This longitudinal study examines the role that students' political reputation in class plays in their future political activities offline together with other people. When aged 16, students were asked to nominate the classmates they considered politically knowledgeable and verbal in class, that is, as having a political reputation. This measure of political reputation was used to predict the participants' political activities offline four years later at age 20 and their attempts to take a stand in public in the national election the same year. The study controlled for individual differences in political interest, self‐perceived political impact in class, the students' political activities at age 16, and also gender and immigrant status. About 300 Swedish students were followed up four years later. Political reputation in class positively predicted future political activities offline, membership of political organizations, and attempts to take a stand in public for a party in the forthcoming national election. At the same time, the role played by political reputation depended upon students' other characteristics, especially their levels of anger and popularity, as observed by classmates. Evidently, the group dynamics in class that give some students a political reputation have long‐term consequences for their future political activities.

Discussing politics in everyday life is quite common but it is not clear how talking politics should prompt the desire to become politically active. We compared two ideas: Information gain, i.e., political talk translates into action when people receive information about activities and organizations; and social influence, i.e., political talk translates into action when people perceive their friends as politically active. Our main goal was to address the role played by two personality traits – Openness to Experience and Agreeableness – within these processes. Adopting a longitudinal design (N = 895, sample of youths surveyed twice), we found that political talk promotes political participation over time when people perceive their discussion partners as politically active and that this effect is especially pronounced for agreeable people. Findings from this study provided support to the idea that political talk translates into political action under the condition of social influence and for people who are particularly susceptible to social conformity.

Personality traits are considered efficient predictors of offline political participation. However, the effects of personality traits on online political engagement have been largely understudied. The main goal of this cross-sectional research (N = 1134, sample of young adults) was to investigate the relationships between personality traits, as measured by the Big Five Inventory, and online political engagement. As dependent variables, we took three dimensions of online political engagement: e-targeted, e-expressive, and e-news. A latent variables structural equation model showed that personality traits directly and indirectly predict modes of online political engagement via the mediation of political attitudes and the proneness to use Internet. On the whole, we found that people open to experience and extraverts take part in online political actions, whereas agreeable and conscientious tend to avoid them. The findings provide insights on the differences between traditional form (i.e. offline) and the new online modes of political engagement by showing that, to some extent, the latter appeal to different personality profiles. In sum online engagement seems to be marked by a personality divide.

Personality traits are considered efficient predictors of off-line political participation. However, the effects of personality traits on online political engagement have been largely understudied. The main goal of this cross-sectional research ( N = 1,134, sample of young adults) was to investigate the relationships between personality traits, as measured by the Big Five Inventory, and online political engagement. As dependent variables, we took three dimensions of online political engagement: e-targeted, e-expressive, and e-news. A latent variables structural equation model showed that personality traits directly and indirectly predict modes of online political engagement via the mediation of political attitudes and the proneness to use Internet. On the whole, we found that people open to experience and extraverts take part in online political actions, whereas agreeable and conscientious people tend to avoid them. The findings provide insights on the differences between traditional form (i.e., off-line) and the new online modes of political engagement by showing that, to some extent, the latter appeal to different personality profiles. In sum, online engagement seems to be marked by a personality divide.

Abstract
Using a unique longitudinal database (large quota sample of the Italian adult population, n = 2,223) structured in seven waves, we analysed how trust in the police changed in the 3.5 years between June 2019 (i.e. before the outbreak of COVID-19) and October 2022 (i.e. after COVID-19). A latent growth model showed that trust in the police changed following a cubic trend. It was stable between June 2019 and April 2020, decreased between April 2020 and April 2022, and increased between April 2022 and October 2022, not returning to prepandemic levels. Two complementary models showed that this change differed from those of two other super partes institutions (the President of the Republic and the judiciary), which showed quadratic trends. The variables that, according to the literature, explain the absolute level of trust in the police were not associated with its change. Strengths, weaknesses, and possible developments of the study are discussed.

The study examined the individual characteristics and consequences of psychological group processes that may lead some students to gain a reputation for being politically knowledgeable and verbal in class (a political reputation). Two normal samples of Swedish students were used, 13‐year‐olds (N = 835) and 16‐year‐olds (N = 795). Longitudinal data over one year were analyzed and showed that youths' political reputation in class is established very early. Cross‐sectional predictions showed that political interest predicted political reputation in class positively, and social fear predicted political reputation negatively in both cohorts. In addition, having a political reputation predicted increased political interest and political efficacy over one year. Further, mediation analyses showed that youths' political predispositions, their political interest and political efficacy at T1, significantly operated on interest and efficacy at T2 via the political reputation. This suggests that political reputation partly functions as a booster of youths' initial political predispositions over time. Future research is needed into the long‐term consequences of having a political reputation.

The study examined the individual characteristics and consequences of psychological group processes that may lead some students to gain a reputation for being politically knowledgeable and verbal in class (a political reputation). Two normal samples of Swedish students were used, 13-year- olds (N = 835) and 16-year-olds (N = 795). Longitudinal data over one year were analyzed and showed that youths' political reputation in class is established very early. Cross-sectional predictions showed that political interest predicted political reputation in class positively, and social fear predicted political reputation negatively in both cohorts. In addition, having a political reputation predicted increased political interest and political efficacy over one year. Further, mediation analyses showed that youths' political predispositions, their political interest and political efficacy at T1, significantly operated on interest and efficacy at T2 via the political reputation. This suggests that political reputation partly functions as a booster of youths' initial political predispositions over time. Future research is needed into the long-term consequences of having a political reputation.

The role played by the Internet in young people's political lives has received great research attention. However, two gaps in the literature hinder the drawing of conclusions on how online political participation is related to its offline counterpart. First, although there are multiple hypotheses on the nature of the relationship, they have not been compared in any single study. Second, although the relation may differ according to developmental stage, age differences have not been examined. We address these gaps using longitudinal data from two samples of youth at different developmental stages, and test four hypotheses for each sample. It was found, among late adolescents, that online participation serves as a gateway to offline participation. However, among young adults, offline participation spills over into online participation. These findings indicate the positive potential of online political participation in youth's political lives, and highlight the need to focus on their developmental stages.

The present research investigated the relationship between system justification beliefs and the endorsement of ambivalent sexist attitudes toward men. In Study 1 (web-based questionnaire, N = 220) we explored the relationship between system justification (SJ), and hostile and benevolent attitudes toward men (HM and BM). Results showed that SJ was positively related to BM but not to HM. In Study 2 (paper-and-pencil questionnaire, N = 158), we tested the mediating role played by BM and HM in the relationship between SJ and the preference for male candidates. We replicated Study 1 results and showed that BM, but not HM, was positively related to the dependent variable; moreover SJ exerted an indirect and positive effect on the preference for male candidates as mediated by BM. Finally, supplementary analyses showed that the relationship between SJ and BM was positive and significant for women only. Results are discussed in light of system justification theory and of BM as an additional form of legitimization and maintenance of the status quo.

Performance management (PM) practices were conceived to improve employees' performance. However, one may ask: do they also have unintended and accompanying consequences on employee well-being? In this study, we set out to answer this question, and examined the influence of three PM practices, namely goal setting, monitoring, and performance evaluation, on two behavioral indicators of employee well-being: sickness absenteeism (not working owing to illness) and presenteeism (working despite illness). Our assumption, based on labor process theory, is that PM practices are an instrument of managerial control that would intensify employees' work and, via this process, lead to more absenteeism and presenteeism. Drawing on two matched waves of the French National Working Conditions survey ( N = 17,081), we found that goal setting and monitoring are associated with more absenteeism and presenteeism indirectly via work intensification. By contrast, performance evaluation reported negative, albeit weak, indirect associations with both behaviors. These results show that PM can take a toll on employees' well-being and that the organizational and social context of attendance behaviors matters. They also hold clear practical implications for designing managerial practices that minimize their negative impact on well-being.