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This article examines whether there is an association between depression and parental time pressure among employed parents. Using a sample of 248 full-time employed parents and using the stress process framework, I also examine the extent to which gender, socioeconomic status, social support, and job conditions account for variation in the association between parenting strains and depression. Results indicate that parental time pressure is significantly associated with depression among mothers and fathers, and that well-off parents are significantly less depressed by parental time strains than less affluent parents. A significant portion of the association between parental time strains and depression is explained by job demands, and perceived social support does not buffer the association between parental time pressure and depression. Women in high control jobs are less depressed by parental time pressure than other employed mothers but conversely, among fathers, high job control amplifies the association between parental time pressure and depression.

In this article, I examine the distribution of time pressure associated with the roles of marital partner and parent using data from a telephone survey. Results of an analysis of open-ended responses indicate that less than a quarter of respondents are satisfied with the time they spend with their children and spouses. Women are more likely to want to improve the quality of family time, whereas men are somewhat more likely to want more time with their spouses and children. Regression analysis indicates that social support, hours of paid labor, hours of housework, job control, and having dependent children are all associated with significant variation in family time pressures. In contrast to research on general time pressure, there are no socioeconomic differences in family time pressures, and women do not experience significantly higher family time pressures than men do.

Parenting strains are an important dimension of the parenting experience with significant implications for well-being. The cost-of-caring hypothesis suggests that mothers will be more adversely affected by parenting strains. In light of mixed support for the cost-of-caring hypothesis, the author argues that other social contexts may play a role in modifying the effect of parenting strains on men and women. To test this proposal, the author examines whether family labor configurations modify the relationship between parenting strains and depression among parents. Results indicate that the association between parenting strains and depression is similar among dual-earner mothers and father, whereas among mothers working part-time, the association between depression and parenting strains is significantly greater in comparison to fathers in comparable families. These results reinforce the importance of the organization of family and paid labor for understandinghowparenting stressors influence the well-being of mothers and fathers.

This article examines gender differences in the influence of parenthood and social support on job satisfaction. This is important because there is ample evidence that work and family roles are managed and coordinated differently by men and women and therefore that home roles influence men's and women's job satisfaction differentially. Using a large random sample of the Toronto metropolitan area, gender differences in the impact of parenthood and social support from partners and coworkers on job satisfaction, controlling for job demands, are examined. Results indicate that mothers have higher job satisfaction than fathers and nonmothers. Coworker support is more important for men's job satisfaction than partner support. Partner support is highly significant for women's job satisfaction, whereas the influence of coworker support varies as a function of partner support. Implications for an understanding of gender differences in job satisfaction and in the experience of dual roles are discussed.

Previous research regarding the effect of children on mental health is mixed, with some studies suggesting that mothers are more depressed than their childless counterparts, and others finding no difference. Using a sample of 500 Canadian women, I test how resources and demands in the primary roles of parent, worker, and partner account for variation in the mental health of employed women. Demands are measured as job demands and as chronic strains in home roles. Resources are measured as job control and as partner support. Results indicate that when partner support and job control are high or average, employed mothers are significantly less distressed than employed nonmothers. Conversely, when role demands are high and resources are low, mothers are significantly more distressed than nonmothers. These results are discussed with respect to the interrelationships between social roles, resources, and mental health, and in terms of directions for future research.

Using the 2004 Survey of Inmates in State and Federal Correctional Facilities, we examine the association between parenthood and distress and anger among the currently incarcerated. We show how variations in the parenting experience—such as amount of child contact—influence the mental health of incarcerated parents and how these relationships vary by gender. Our analysis indicates that parents who are incarcerated are significantly more distressed and are angrier than incarcerated nonparents. Mothers of children below 16 years of age are more distressed than other inmates. Mothers, but not fathers, report more anger than nonparent inmates. Distress among incarcerated parents is associated with child living arrangements and with frequency of phone, mail contact, and visits from children. Both mothers and fathers whose children are in foster care are significantly more distressed and report more anger than other parents. Results are discussed in terms of implications for policies and programming for incarcerated parents.