Suchergebnisse

How could the peace and quiet of Ashe County, North Carolina (in the mountains, at the Virginia-Tennessee corner), turn into a nightmare of crime and drugs, and the old copper mine itself become a dumping ground for the dead? In 1982, two bodies had been chipped from an icy grave and brought up from the 250-foot mine shaft where they had been thrown while still alive. Now, there were rumors of 21 bodies still down there. If the mine was ever re-opened, what would they find--copper or bodies? Murder, drugs, prostitution and gangs come together in the history of the Ore Knob Mine. A small Appala

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. Early Customs and Traditions -- Chapter 2. Dreams of Freedom -- Chapter 3. Let My People Go -- Chapter 4. Building New Lives -- Chapter 5. Living with Jim Crow -- Chapter 6. The Slow Death of Jim Crow -- Chapter 7. A Charge to Keep -- For More Reading -- Index.

AbstractUsing Cuban Americans who immigrated to the United States between 1959 and 1971 as an example, this article demonstrates the chronic nature of ambiguous loss in the context of loss of homeland. Ambiguous loss theory provides a framework for understanding the pain experienced by this cohort of Cuban Americans and their families who cope with a traumatic loss that defies closure. While keeping their homeland ever present psychologically, this cohort of Cuban Americans has experienced unique identity and relationship challenges rooted in the tensions between the United States and Cuba. They emigrated because of societal changes that followed the 1959 revolution launched by Fidel Castro against the regime of Fulgencio Batista. Contact with their homeland has been limited while they harbor hope that Cuba's government will change for the better. The utility of the ambiguous loss model is supported and suggestions for future research directions are suggested.

Today's instructional leaders across the U.S. must comply with accountability policies that determine the effectiveness of their curriculums based upon a single standardized test score. This political context places enormous pressures on educators to purchase canned programs that promise to raise these test scores quickly. At considerable risk, some instructional leaders resist these political pressures and use instructional practices they determine are best in their particular school districts. This paper draws on empirical findings from a qualitative study that investigated what happens in districts that make educators willing to take political risks and resist accountability pressures