Suchergebnisse

APARECE EN NOVIEMBRE 2018. Aborda las formas de subjetivación que intervinieron en las experiencias de feminidad de las mujeres de la colonia hispana neoyorquina en el periodo de entreguerras. Para ello se parte del estudio de la publicidad, los consejos de belleza y moda, las secciones de fotorreportaje, las páginas femeninas y las cartas de las lectoras de tres de las más importantes publicaciones periódicas en español de la metrópoli: el semanario "Gráfico", el diario "La Prensa" y la revista cultural "Artes y Letras". Lectura y consumo se conjugan en estas páginas para ofrecer otras formas de ciudadanía a sujetos que, en su condición periférica como mujeres e inmigrantes, habitaban los márgenes de la modernidad y de la vida moderna norteamericana.

En este artículo se propone que la alineación del amor con las aspiraciones socialistas de Hugo Chávez y de sus sucesores se funda en y refuerza la heteronormatividad como forma natural de organización de la sociedad venezolana contemporánea. Consecuentemente, sugiero que la homofobia institucional de la revolución bolivariana puede entenderse como el correlato del discurso del amor a partir del cual se han construido las ideas del socialismo bolivariano y en cuyos vínculos solo se reconocen como legítimas, productivas y éticas las formas de afecto y filiación heterosexuales. ; This article propose that the alignment of love with the socialist pretensions of Hugo Chávez and his political successors is grounded in, as well as reinforces, heteronormativity as the natural organization of contemporary Venezuelan society. Consequently, I suggest that the institutional homophobia of the Bolivarian revolution could be understood as the counterpart of the discourse of love from which the Bolivarian socialist ideas have been built upon, the bonds of which only consider heterosexual relationships and affective expressions as legitimate, productive and ethical. ; Neste artigo coloca-se que a alienação do amor com as aspirações socialistas de Hugo Chávez e dos seus sucessores é fundada e reforça a heteronormatividade como forma natural de organização da sociedade venezuelana contemporânea. Consequentemente, sugiro que a homofobia institucional da revolução bolivariana pode se entender como correlato do discurso do amor a partir do qual têm se construído as ideias do socialismo bolivariano em cujos vínculos apenas reconhecem-se como legítimas, produtivas e éticas as formas de afeito e filiação heterossexual.

El artículo propone que en We the Animals (2011), novela de Justin Torres, la vida animal descubre las fronteras artificiales que sostienen el imperio de lo humano y desarticula su "natural" alteridad respecto de las regulaciones biopolíticas que controlan y definen la vida humana. El objetivo es demostrar cómo, a través de las relaciones familiares de los personajes, se desarrolla un espectro de emociones humanas que rozan la animalidad y que nos obligan a discutir la hegemonía de los registros y tecnologías que han normalizado la naturaleza humana como paradigma de la vida y han exaltado su representación en el hombre blanco como eje del pensamiento y sociedad modernas. El análisis se enfoca en dos aspectos: la idea de la relación de lo animal con el mestizaje y con la sexualidad, con el fin último de explorar cómo esta apertura hacia este otro lugar posantropomórfico y poshumano es quizás una alternativa política para pensar los cuerpos y las subjetividades poscoloniales, fronterizas, mestizas y diaspóricas que habitan aquello que se define como el Caribe. ; The article argues that in the novel We the Animals (2011), written by Justin Torres, animal life unveils the artificial borders that preserve the reign of the human, and disarticulates its "natural" alterity regarding the biopolitical regulations that control and define human life. It seeks to demonstrate how the characters' family relationships express a range of human emotions close to animality. These emotions compel us to challenge the hegemony of the registers and technologies that have normalized human nature as the epitome of life, and that have reinforced its representation through the white male subject as origin and center of modern thought and society. The analysis focuses on two aspects: the connection of the animal to mestizaje and its association to sexuality. The goal of the analysis is exploring how this political openness towards this post-anthropomorphic and post-human place could perhaps be considered a political alternative to reflect on the bodies and postcolonial, border, mestiza and diasporic subjectivities that inhabit and define what has come to be known as the Caribbean. ; O artigo propõe que em We the Animals (2011), romance de Justin Torres, a vida animal descobre a fronteiras artificiais que sustém o império do humano e desarticula sua "natural" alteridade respeito das regulamentações biopolíticas que controlam e definem a vida humana. O objetivo é demonstrar como, através das relações familiares dos personagens, desenvolve-se um espectro de emoções humanas que tocam a animalidade e nos obriga a discutir a hegemonia dos registros e tecnologias que padronizaram a natureza humana como paradigma da vida e exaltaram sua representação no homem branco como eixo do pensamento e sociedade modernos. A análise é focada em dois aspectos: a ideia do relacionamento do animal com a mestiçagem e a sexualidade, com o fim último de explorar como essa abertura para este outro lugar pós-antropomórfico e pós-humano é, possivelmente, uma alternativa política para pensar os corpos e as subjetividades pós-coloniais, fronteiriças, mestiças e diaspóricas que habitam aquilo que se define como o Caribe.

The article argues that in the novel We the Animals (2011), written by Justin Torres, animal life unveils the artificial borders that preserve the reign of the human, and disarticulates its "natural" alterity regarding the biopolitical regulations that control and define human life. It seeks to demonstrate how the characters' family relationships express a range of human emotions close to animality. These emotions compel us to challenge the hegemony of the registers and technologies that have normalized human nature as the epitome of life, and that have reinforced its representation through the white male subject as origin and center of modern thought and society. The analysis focuses on two aspects: the connection of the animal to mestizaje and its association to sexuality. The goal of the analysis is exploring how this political openness towards this post-anthropomorphic and post-human place could perhaps be considered a political alternative to reflect on the bodies and postcolonial, border, mestiza and diasporic subjectivities that inhabit and define what has come to be known as the Caribbean. ; El artículo propone que en We the Animals (2011), novela de Justin Torres, la vida animal descubre las fronteras artificiales que sostienen el imperio de lo humano y desarticula su "natural" alteridad respecto de las regulaciones biopolíticas que controlan y definen la vida humana. El objetivo es demostrar cómo, a través de las relaciones familiares de los personajes, se desarrolla un espectro de emociones humanas que rozan la animalidad y que nos obligan a discutir la hegemonía de los registros y tecnologías que han normalizado la naturaleza humana como paradigma de la vida y han exaltado su representación en el hombre blanco como eje del pensamiento y sociedad modernas. El análisis se enfoca en dos aspectos: la idea de la relación de lo animal con el mestizaje y con la sexualidad, con el fin último de explorar cómo esta apertura hacia este otro lugar posantropomórfico y poshumano es quizás una alternativa política para pensar los cuerpos y las subjetividades poscoloniales, fronterizas, mestizas y diaspóricas que habitan aquello que se define como el Caribe. ; O artigo propõe que em We the Animals (2011), romance de Justin Torres, a vida animal descobre as fronteiras artificiais que sustém o império do humano e desarticula sua "natural" alteridade respeito das regulamentações biopolíticas que controlam e definem a vida humana. O objetivo é demonstrar como, através das relações familiares dos personagens, desenvolve-se um espectro de emoções humanas que tocam a animalidade e nos obriga a discutir a hegemonia dos registros e tecnologias que padronizaram a natureza humana como paradigma da vida e exaltaram sua representação no homem branco como eixo do pensamento e sociedade modernos. A análise é focada em dois aspectos: a ideia do relacionamento do animal com a mestiçagem e a sexualidade, com o fim último de explorar como essa abertura para este outro lugar pós-antropomórfico e pós-humano é, possivelmente, uma alternativa política para pensar os corpos e as subjetividades pós-coloniais, fronteiriças, mestiças e diaspóricas que habitam aquilo que se define como o Caribe.

1. Introduction: New Theoretical Dialogues and Critical Reflections on Hispanic Caribbean Studies. 2. Towards An Archipelagic Effect ( ): Poetics, Politics and Sensorium in the Caribbean -- 3. Inland Caribbean: A Glance into Wayuu space -- 4. Challenging a South Red Atlantic: A Post-Liberationist Critique of the Hispanic Caribbean -- 5. Place Becoming Space: Nation and Deterritorialisation in Cuban Narrative of the Twenty-First Century -- 6. Sea/see Fluids, Reimagined Landscapes: Looking into Lesbian Desire in Sand Dollars and Liz in September -- 7. Social Engagement and/against Creativity: Art Making, Collective Agency and the Politics of Urgency in the Hispanic Caribbean -- 8. The Queer Hispanic Caribbean: Contemporary Revisions of Its Genealogies -- 9. "Holland" in the Caribbean: Voids between the Spanish-speaking World and the Lower Countries -- 10. The Caribbean Without a Sea: Approaches to Caribbean Immigration in Madrid.

Democracies are increasingly dependent upon sustainable citizenship, that is, active participation and engagement with the exercising of rights in a field of plural interests, often contradictory and in conflict. This type of citizenship requires not only social inclusion, habits of knowledge, and evidence-based reasoning but also argumentation skills, such as the individual and social capacity to dispute and exercise individual and social rights, and to deal peacefully with sociopolitical conflict. There is empirical evidence that educational deliberative argumentation has a lasting impact on the deep and flexible understanding of knowledge, argumentation skills, and political and citizenship education. However, these three trends of research have developed independently with insufficient synergy. Considering the relevance of deliberative education for contemporaneous democracies and citizenship, in this paper we seek to converge in a field of interlocution, calling it deliberative teaching. Our aim is to propose a way to increase the dialog and collaboration between the diffuse literature on argumentation and education, highlighting both the main theoretical and empirical gaps and challenges that remain and the possibilities to advance our knowledge and the educational impact that this integrating field could offer.

This article communicates the results of a multi-case qualitative study that sought to know the meanings and debates present in Chilean schools in relation to LGTBI inclusion. This research gathered information from 8 cases using documentary analysis, interviews, focus groups with different school actors, and non-participant observation. The article asks how justice of recognition finds expression in school communities, understanding justice as the visibility of gender expression and identities, and sexual diversity, as well as the existence of pedagogical practices and experiences that allow LGTBI students to build self-confidence. The results indicate that, in the Chilean school system, there are advances on the recognition of gender identities and sexual diversity, but they are partial and fragile. Respect for diversity is a principle present in the discourses of school actors, but this does not question the hegemony of heteronormativity in the curriculum or teaching practices. Students and principals with greater cultural capital and/or political mobilization, trigger important changes in recognition as educational justice.