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AbstractDo wage‐setting institutions, such as collective bargaining, improve health and, if so, is this because they reduce income inequality? Wage‐setting institutions are often assumed to improve health because they increase earnings and reduce inequality and yet, while individual‐level studies suggest higher earnings improve well being, the direct effects of these institutions on mortality remains unclear. This paper explores both the relationship between wage‐setting institutions and mortality rates whether income inequality mediates this relationship. Using 50 years of data from 22 high‐income countries (n ~ 825), I find mortality rates are lower in countries with collective bargaining compared to places with little or no wage protection. While wage‐setting institutions may reduce economic inequality, these institutions do not appear to improve health because they reduce inequality. Instead, collective bargaining improves health, in part, because they increase average wage growth. The political and economic drivers of inequality may not, then, be correlated with health outcomes, and, as a result, health scholars need to develop more nuanced theories of the political economy of health that are separate from but in dialogue with the political economy of inequality.

Do wage-setting institutions, such as collective bargaining, improve health and, if so, is this because they reduce income inequality? Wage-setting institutions are often assumed to improve health because they increase earnings and reduce inequality and yet, while individual-level studies suggest higher earnings improve well being, the direct effects of these institutions on mortality remains unclear. This paper explores both the relationship between wage-setting institutions and mortality rates whether income inequality mediates this relationship. Using 50 years of data from 22 high-income countries (n ~ 825), I find mortality rates are lower in countries with collective bargaining compared to places with little or no wage protection. While wage-setting institutions may reduce economic inequality, these institutions do not appear to improve health because they reduce inequality. Instead, collective bargaining improves health, in part, because they increase average wage growth. The political and economic drivers of inequality may not, then, be correlated with health outcomes, and, as a result, health scholars need to develop more nuanced theories of the political economy of health that are separate from but in dialogue with the political economy of inequality.

[S]hort-term policy changes can have long-term effects on the health and well-being of the population.

Imposing financial penalties on claimants of unemployment insurance may incentivise labour market re-entry. However, sanctions may have differential effects depending on the work-readiness of the claimants. Here, I explore whether sanctioning disabled claimants is associated with greater labour market activity or inactivity among disabled people data on 346 British local authorities between 2009 and 2014. When the number of sanctioned disabled claimants rises (as a proportion of all claimants), the disability rate among economically inactive people becomes larger. There is no clear relationship between sanctioning disabled claimants and the employed disability rate.

While parental encouragement or parent-led consumption transmits cultural practices from parents to children, the reasons parents provide regarding why they encourage cultural engagement remains unclear. Using music as a case study, and through analysing semi-structured interviews, this research explores how parents express and actualise their desire for their children to learn to play a musical instrument. Results suggest that respondents do not strongly associate musical practice with developing valued character traits nor with social or educational attainment. Instead, parental encouragement to play music is shaped by family ties and the parental perception of 'natural' talent in their children. Parental perception of natural talent is most common among parents who themselves play an instrument and among those parents who play music with their children. Family and musicality are the most commonly cited reasons for encouraging music and these are found among all educational groups. Without dismissing the importance of social position, this evidence suggests that parents articulate their preferences toward musical participation in terms of familial cohesion and shared identity.

What is the relationship between social stratification and arts participation? Because the barriers to both participation and consumption vary, the relationship between the social strata and arts participation may differ from the relationship between social strata and arts consumption. Using three pooled waves of the Taking-Part survey ( N = 78,011), I estimate latent class and multinomial logistic models to examine the association between education, social status, social class, and income with patterns of arts participation. Five latent clusters are observed and both social status and social class are insignificantly associated with each cluster. In contrast, education remains strongly correlated with most forms of arts participation. These results indicate that arts participation, as a constituent part of 'lifestyle', is not primarily explained through social status or social class but rather through education.

Correlations between social class and sport participation have frequently been observed ( Crook 1997 ; Ceron-Anaya 2010 ; Dollman and Lewis 2010 ; Stalsberg and Pedersen 2010 ). However, discrete associations between occupational class positions and specific sporting activities overlook the complex interrelationships amongst these sports. Until recently understanding the relationality of sport has been constrained by a lack of available and appropriate data. Work by Bourdieu (1984) , and more recently Bennett et al. (2009) , have explored the general field of cultural consumption and sport has been one dimension of these treatments. Using multiple correspondence analysis ( Le Roux and Rouanet 2004 ), this research focuses upon the social space of sport participation in Britain in order to provide a more detailed account of how these activities are organised. From data in the Taking-Part Survey (n = 10,349), which was gathered between July 2005-October 2006, 19 sporting practices are situated along four key dimensions. The first dimension separates gender and corresponds to a division between an embodied or social focus. Dimension two captures the impact of age. Internal and external orientations divide dimension three, where men tend to be internally oriented. Class, education and social status are significant along this dimension. Dimension four differentiates self-employed and manual workers; reinforcing occupational and educational differences. Consequently, the social space of sports participation cannot be neatly contained within the logic of class; other explanations drawing on friendship, education and embodiment are also required.

A uniquely data-rich analysis of the British elite from the Victorian era to today: who gets in, how they get there, what they like and look like, where they go to school, and what politics they perpetuate. Think of the British elite and familiar caricatures spring to mind. But are today's power brokers a conservative chumocracy, born to privilege and anointed at Eton and Oxford? Or is a new progressive elite emerging with different values and political instincts? Aaron Reeves and Sam Friedman combed through a trove of data in search of an answer, scrutinizing the profiles, interests, and careers of over 125,000 members of the British elite from the late 1890s to today. At the heart of this meticulously researched study is the historical database of Who's Who, but Reeves and Friedman also mined genealogical records, examined probate data, and interviewed over 200 leading figures from a wide range of backgrounds and professions to uncover who runs Britain, how they think, and what they want. What they found is that there is less movement at the top than we think. Yes, there has been some progress on including women and Black and Asian Brits, but those born into the top 1 percent are just as likely to get into the elite today as they were 125 years ago. What has changed is how elites present themselves. Today's elite pedal hard to convince us they are perfectly ordinary. Why should we care? Because the elites we have affect the politics we get. While scholars have long proposed that the family you are born into, and the schools you attend, leave a mark on the exercise of power, the empirical evidence has been thin-until now

Collective bargaining institutions are correlated with better population health. However, there are still major gaps in our understanding regarding the impact of collective bargaining on health inequalities, particularly between labour market 'insiders' and 'outsiders'. In this study, we investigate the effect of collective bargaining coverage on individuals' self-rated health, and whether the impact varies according to labour market status. We use four waves of the European Values Survey (1981-2018) and three-level nested random intercept models across 33 OECD and European countries (N = 66 301). We find that stronger and more inclusive collective bargaining institutions reduce health inequalities between the unemployed and the employed by disproportionately improving the health of the unemployed. This study implies that targeting the political institutions that shape the distribution of power and resources is important for reducing health inequalities.

AbstractCollective bargaining institutions are correlated with better population health. However, there are still major gaps in our understanding regarding the impact of collective bargaining on health inequalities, particularly between labour market 'insiders' and 'outsiders'. In this study, we investigate the effect of collective bargaining coverage on individuals' self-rated health, and whether the impact varies according to labour market status. We use four waves of the European Values Survey (1981–2018) and three-level nested random intercept models across 33 OECD and European countries (N = 66 301). We find that stronger and more inclusive collective bargaining institutions reduce health inequalities between the unemployed and the employed by disproportionately improving the health of the unemployed. This study implies that targeting the political institutions that shape the distribution of power and resources is important for reducing health inequalities.