Suchergebnisse

Penulisan ini berkisar tentang komuniti Suluk dalam menempatkan diri mereka sebagai sebahagian daripada komuniti sejahtera di Malaysia. Dalam sepuluh tahun kebelakangan ini, individu mahupun komuniti ini dilihat bersaing dan menyesuaikan diri untuk meningkatkan kualiti hidup. Persaingan ini dilihat penting bagi sesebuah komuniti untuk meneruskan kehidupan dan menambah baik kualiti hidup agar tidak ketinggalan dengan persekitaran semasa. Situasi dalam dasawarsa ini turut mendorong komuniti Suluk untuk berusaha memartabatkan komuniti mereka dalam menikmati taraf sosial yang lebih baik. Oleh itu, artikel ini cuba merungkai persoalan bagaimana Suluk sebagai komuniti minoriti menggerakkan taraf sosial dan kemampuan mereka bersaing dengan komuniti lain di Malaysia. 1Persoalan ini ditekankan lagi dengan kesan peristiwa pencerobohan Tanduo di Lahad Datu yang jelas melahirkan sentimen tidak sihat komuniti lain kepada komuniti Suluk. Untuk itu, temu bual secara Focus Group Discussion (FGD) bersama komuniti Suluk di beberapa kawasan di Lahad Datu telah dilakukan dan hasilnya akan membantu dalam melihat sejauh mana kesejahteraan yang dicapai oleh mereka serta cabaran dalam meningkatkan kesejahteraan komuniti mereka. 2Berdasarkan pada cerapan lapangan berlandaskan kaedah FGD, penulis dapat menemukan beberapa faktor keberadaan Suluk di Lahad Datu. Selain itu, komuniti Suluk terpaksa menerima beberapa cabaran dalam usaha mereka memartabat serta meningkatkan kesejahteraan hidup sebagai komuniti minoriti di Sabah khususnya selepas peristiwa Tanduo berlaku.

Toxic Language in social media is a newly emerging virtual disorder of human society. Detecting toxic language is an NLP task that requires a Dataset of utterances [1]. For the Bangla language, very few datasets have been developed on toxicity or similar concepts [2]. A dataset has been developed using user-generated content from Facebook and that will cover the demographic and thematic distribution of Bangla toxic language generated on the web. Therefore, 2207590 comments have been collected, annotated, and thus extract about 1959 unique bigrams as utterances, which were considered as base-entry of a toxic language dataset. The core derivatives of the dataset are bigram-based wordlists, which are annotated inductively and divided into 08 thematic classes that give some ideas on toxicity variations found in the Bengali community. These thematic classes cover political hate speech [3] and misogynist bullies dominantly. However, these thematic labels will serve as classifiers in the text classification process through machine learning. In addition to the thematic classification labels, this dataset includes some additional features such as imprecise meanings in English, IPA transliteration, real occurrences in the source pages, spelling standards, and degree of toxicity. As this is a dataset of utterance, it has de-identified and anonymous entries and no difficulties for public disclosure. Therefore, we consider this dataset as Toxic lexicon (Toxlex) as an exhaustive wordlist that is essentially a curated value-added and analyzed dataset which can be used as classifier material to detect toxicity in social media.

There is a puzzling uncertainty about the real size of gas reserves in Bangladesh. Different institutions and companies provide widely differing estimates. No authority is able to verify the actual reserves. Nevertheless, most evidence shows that the country has vast natural gas reserves, exceeding the present domestic demand. This raises a question: should Bangladesh export some of its gas? Obviously, the export of natural gas will generate revenues for the country to balance its trade, and for investment in many other sectors. It will enable the government to implement social and cultural reforms and development programmes in primary education, poverty reduction, health and infrastructure. However, exporting natural gas in a developing country like Bangladesh is not an easy matter. The public is divided into two camps: those who are in favour and those who are against it. Following a brief history of Bangladeshi gas exploration, this article looks at its natural gas export potential and geology education associated with natural gas exploration. It discusses gas exploration by several national and international companies, and how they became a conduct for the transfer of technology and innovations. It also looks at the idea and plans for a pipeline to India to carry Bangladeshi gas. Finally, it concludes that there is an urgent for radical reforms in the Bangladeshi gas industry and institutions from exploration to marketing.

"This book Systems addresses the field of enterprise systems covering progressive technologies, leading theories, and advanced applications"--Provided by publisher

OBJECTIVE: The present study was envisioned to develop Sunoon Zard a traditional Unani toothpowder into toothpaste form along with its physicochemical standardization and evaluation of anti microbial activity against oral pathogens by in vitro study. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Herbal extracts based powder was redesigned to toothpaste as per the Pharmacopoeial guidelines and its pharmaceutical evaluation was conceded as per the Indian Government Tooth Paste Specifications. In vitro study was done to evaluate the antibacterial activity by using agar well diffusion method against dental pathogens. Zone of Inhibition was taken as the end parameter against the test pathogens after appropriate incubation period. It was compared with Dimethyl sulphoxide (DMSO) used as solvent (0.01%) as Negative control whereas Ciprofloxacin 5μg/disk (standard antibiotic for gram positive) and Gentamicin 10μg/disk (standard antibiotic for gram negative) were used as Positive control. All the experiment was done as per the Clinical and Laboratory Standards Institute (CLSI) Guidelines in triplicates. RESULTS: Sunoon Zard was developed into toothpaste form and its physicochemical values were found to in consonance with the optimum values as mentioned in Bureau of Indian Standard. In vitro study of the Sunoon Zard toothpaste was found to be effective against various dental pathogens with specific sensitivity with good zone of inhibition towards gram negative bacterial strains viz. P.aeruginosa and K.pneuomoniae while among gram positive a significant inhibition was found against C.xerosis and S.viridans. CONCLUSION: The developed toothpaste from classical Unani herbal tooth powder will provide the better patient compliance. Moreover its scientific screening which exhibited potential antibacterial activity in controlling pathogenic oral microflora compared to the standard drugs also revalidated the claim of Unani Physicians that the Sunoon Zard is quite effective in various oro-dental disorders.

Sejak pembentukan Persekutuan Malaysia pada 16 September 1963 sehingga Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-14 (PRU-14) pada 2018, ramai yang melihat bahawa kerajaan pusat di bawah pentadbiran Barisan Nasional (BN) cuba menggunakan segala mekanisme yang ada untuk mewujudkan kawalan yang ketat ke atas negeri. Dalam masa yang sama berusaha untuk menumpukan kuasa di Kuala Lumpur/Putrajaya. Oleh itu, artikel ini cuba untuk melihat perkembangan pasca PRU14 di Malaysia dengan menumpukan kepada hubungan negeri Sabah dan Persekutuan. Selain daripada beberapa isu hangat yang mendominasi hubungan persekutuan-negeri sejak beberapa dekad di bawah pentadbiran BN, para penulis menghujahkan bahawa terdapat beberapa isu lain yang perlu diberikan perhatian dalam memastikan kelangsungan pemerintahan negeri di bawah gabungan Parti Warisan Sabah (PWS)-Pakatan Harapan (PH)-UPKO (PWS-PH-UPKO). Dalam hal ini, para penulis berhujah bahawa, berdasarkan kepada pengalaman PRU-14, kelangsungan kerajaan negeri ditentukan oleh dua faktor utama; luaran dan dalaman. Faktor luaran merujuk kepada bagaimana dasar-dasar yang dijalankan oleh kerajaan pusat mempengaruhi persepsi rakyat kepada pentadbiran kerajaan negeri. Manakala faktor dalaman merujuk kepada sejauh mana kerajaan negeri berjaya melaksanakan dasar-dasar yang memberi kesan kepada penduduk negeri Sabah. Oleh itu, artikel ini menghujahkan bahawa cabaran lebih besar menanti dalam hubungan negeri-persekutuan pasca PRU-14 terutamanya dalam memastikan kelangsungan pemerintahan di peringkat negeri dan persekutuan.
AbstractSince the establishment of the Federation of Malaysia on September 16, 1963 until the 14th General Election (GE-14) in 2018, many see that the federal government under the Barisan Nasional (BN) administration had used all available mechanisms to control over the state and at the same time was working to concentrate power to Kuala Lumpur/Putrajaya. Therefore, this paper attempts to investigate the post-GE-14 development in Malaysia with particular attention to the relations between Sabah and the Federal Government. This paper argues that, in addition to the ongoing issues that dominated federal-state relations for several decades since BN's rules in Sabah, there are several other issues that need to be addressed to ensure the survival of the current state government under the Parti Warisan Sabah (PWS)-Pakatan Harapan (PH)-UPKO (PWS-PH-UPKO) coalition. In this regard, the authors argue that, based on GE-14 experience, the survival of the state government was largely determined by two major factors, external and internal. The external factor refers to how the policies implemented by the federal government are impacting on the perception of Sabahan towards the state government. Meanwhile, the internal factor refers to how effective the state government is in implementing policies that cater to the needs of Sabahans. Hence, this paper argues that post-GE-14, greater challenges await the state-federal relations particularly in ensuring the survival of the state and federal governments.

Sejak pembentukan Persekutuan Malaysia pada 16 September 1963 sehingga Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-14 (PRU-14) pada 2018, ramai yang melihat bahawa kerajaan pusat di bawah pentadbiran Barisan Nasional (BN) cuba menggunakan segala mekanisme yang ada untuk mewujudkan kawalan yang ketat ke atas negeri. Dalam masa yang sama berusaha untuk menumpukan kuasa di Kuala Lumpur/Putrajaya. Oleh itu, artikel ini cuba untuk melihat perkembangan pasca PRU14 di Malaysia dengan menumpukan kepada hubungan negeri Sabah dan Persekutuan. Selain daripada beberapa isu hangat yang mendominasi hubungan persekutuan-negeri sejak beberapa dekad di bawah pentadbiran BN, para penulis menghujahkan bahawa terdapat beberapa isu lain yang perlu diberikan perhatian dalam memastikan kelangsungan pemerintahan negeri di bawah gabungan Parti Warisan Sabah (PWS)-Pakatan Harapan (PH)-UPKO (PWS-PH-UPKO). Dalam hal ini, para penulis berhujah bahawa, berdasarkan kepada pengalaman PRU-14, kelangsungan kerajaan negeri ditentukan oleh dua faktor utama; luaran dan dalaman. Faktor luaran merujuk kepada bagaimana dasar-dasar yang dijalankan oleh kerajaan pusat mempengaruhi persepsi rakyat kepada pentadbiran kerajaan negeri. Manakala faktor dalaman merujuk kepada sejauh mana kerajaan negeri berjaya melaksanakan dasar-dasar yang memberi kesan kepada penduduk negeri Sabah. Oleh itu, artikel ini menghujahkan bahawa cabaran lebih besar menanti dalam hubungan negeri-persekutuan pasca PRU-14 terutamanya dalam memastikan kelangsungan pemerintahan di peringkat negeri dan persekutuan. AbstractSince the establishment of the Federation of Malaysia on September 16, 1963 until the 14th General Election (GE-14) in 2018, many see that the federal government under the Barisan Nasional (BN) administration had used all available mechanisms to control over the state and at the same time was working to concentrate power to Kuala Lumpur/Putrajaya. Therefore, this paper attempts to investigate the post-GE-14 development in Malaysia with particular attention to the relations between Sabah and the Federal Government. This paper argues that, in addition to the ongoing issues that dominated federal-state relations for several decades since BN's rules in Sabah, there are several other issues that need to be addressed to ensure the survival of the current state government under the Parti Warisan Sabah (PWS)-Pakatan Harapan (PH)-UPKO (PWS-PH-UPKO) coalition. In this regard, the authors argue that, based on GE-14 experience, the survival of the state government was largely determined by two major factors, external and internal. The external factor refers to how the policies implemented by the federal government are impacting on the perception of Sabahan towards the state government. Meanwhile, the internal factor refers to how effective the state government is in implementing policies that cater to the needs of Sabahans. Hence, this paper argues that post-GE-14, greater challenges await the state-federal relations particularly in ensuring the survival of the state and federal governments.