Suchergebnisse

Lo scopo di questa tesi è quello di fornire un'analisi della raccolta di saggi "La nuova morale e la classe operaia" della rivoluzionaria marxista Aleksandra Kollontaj. Gli articoli qui analizzati furono scritti prima della rivoluzione d'ottobre e ripubblicati due anni dopo la presa del potere da parte dei bolscevichi. L'opera è significativa per le idee innovative in essa espresse a proposito dell'emancipazione femminile e per l'attenzione che l'autrice dedicò alla sfera della sessualità. L'obiettivo di Kollontai fu quello di riformare la morale sessuale della nuova società sovietica, introducendo una nuova idea di amore tra gli individui basata sui principi comunisti di solidarietà e di rispetto reciproco. Per comprendere al meglio la posizione di Kollontai, il primo capitolo offre una panoramica della nascita e dello sviluppo del polovoj vopros (questione di genere) nei primi anni del regime sovietico. Nel secondo capitolo, si fornisce un'analisi l'evoluzione delle idee di Kollontai attraverso una presentazione delle sue opere principali e si discute il rapporto tra la sua posizione e il pensiero socialista tradizionale. Nel terzo capitolo viene analizzato il contenuto dei tre articoli che compongono la collezione. La ricerca mira a fare luce su come, nel corso della lunga carriera letteraria e politica dell'autrice, il punto di vista di Kollontai si sia gradualmente omologato con la visione sovietica.

The "negative" view of human nature is customarily seen as a distinctive assumption of the classical realist approach. Such a controversial characterization is regarded either as a metaphysical conception belonging to the pre-scientific age of realism or as a dangerous self-fulfilling prophecy. Although the dark image of human nature has elicited fierce critiques, we contend that it needs to be reconsidered. The present article forms a kind of apologia for the "negative" view of human nature: not because of any belief that humans are all truly dangerous individuals, but for a purely political reason. Some of the most important mechanisms introduced in order to defend liberty, independence, domestic and international pluralism, and prevent power from concentrating in one point and thus becoming dominant, are themselves based on a view of the individual as problematic and potentially dangerous, whose behavior needs restraining by institutional and political measures. As we show in the article, it is no accident that the anthropological conception of human beings as dangerous is not the "private property" of political realism, but is shared by some illustrious fathers of liberalism such as Locke, Montesquieu, and Kant. It may be one of the ironies of history that the political philosophy whose manifesto proclaims the defense of freedom and individual rights should rest on a vision of the individual as potentially a dangerous bully, sometimes driven by greed and lust for power.

The essay investigates Raymond Aron's attitude towards European integration, through a critical analysis of primary sources, in order to problematise the interpretations recently offered by scholars working on Europeanism. The evidence offered supports the argument that, compared to Jean Monnet's federalism and to Charles de Gaulle's nationalism, Aron's perspective presents original traits. Notwithstanding his belief that European states ought to create a framework for enhancing cooperation in crucial sectors (trade, security) which could lead to a certain degree of political integration, Aron was not convinced that this process would eventually produce a federation. Furthermore, he thought that further integration ought to be pursued with the active involvement of European peoples, together with the reconciliation with Germany and its inclusion within an anti-Soviet Atlantic alliance. The conclusion is that, as far as Europe is concerned, Aron's position cannot be simplistically labelled as Europeanist or anti-Europeanist. Rather, it might be described as a realistic scepticism.