Suchergebnisse

The social movement theory (SMT) has been used as an explanatory mechanism for understanding the rise and spread of the ideas and principles of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in Egypt since 1930. The origin country Egypt which is the birthplace of MB had undergone a radical change politically, economically and socially. These changes made it possible for the rapid growth of conservative and religious groups such as MB. The organisational structure and the ideological evolution, and also the recruitment method of MB are analyzed in the following pages.

La turbulencia política, el vacío de poder y los desafíos de seguridad que surgieron en Irak posterior a ISIS modificaron la estructura de poder del estado. El aparato de seguridad y las instituciones militares iraquíes por poco colapsan en 2014 y no pudieron resistir los desafíos que tuvieron que enfrentar desde ISIS. De manera simultánea, el gran clérigo chiita Sistani emitió una fatwa, llamó a los chiitas a las armas y luchó por su supervivencia. En esta situación desordenada, un número cada vez mayor de grupos armados respaldados por Irán han comenzado a manejar los desafíos de seguridad, la mayoría de los cuales operan de forma independiente por fuera de las agencias de seguridad nacional de Irak. El grupo más importante fue el de las Fuerzas de Movilización Popular (FMP), de la comunidad chiita iraquí. Las FMP se enredan gradualmente en los asuntos financieros y el sistema político de Irak y ejercen una tremenda influencia. Hay dos tipos de milicias relevantes en Irak: las milicias paramilitares Al-Atabat al-Muqadasa (MPAA) y las milicias leales (ML). En mayo de 2021, cuatro divisiones de MPAA decidieron integrarse al ejército iraquí, mientras que las ML cuentan con casi 70 divisiones diferentes y no se han integrado a las instituciones del gobierno. En este artículo, exploramos la posibilidad de implementar el modelo DDR para sociedades de posguerra como la iraquí y los obstáculos que enfrentaron. La integración de estos grupos armados se convirtió en una tarea complicada para el estado de Irak Post-ISIS. En primer lugar, examinamos la historia del proceso de construcción del Estado. Luego, desarrollamos un marco conceptual para el artículo. En tercer lugar, identificamos los factores que dan forma a los resultados de DDR, definimos el papel de las Fuerzas de Movilización Popular (FMP) y analizamos cómo sus actividades se convirtieron en un obstáculo para reconstruir el estado iraquí en la era posterior a ISIS.

Since the Second World War, the Middle East has been mentioned in connection with the national interest of America manifested by US presidents. This paper looks at the US foreign policy in the Middle East from Truman to Clinton on the premise that the US foreign policy has contributed to creating a breeding ground for dissatisfaction toward the US In this context, the paper focuses on the doctrines in use from the time of President Truman to Clinton. Thus, every American president has a doctrine, and this doctrine tells what political line the president follows regarding domestic and foreign policies. Keywords: Middle-East, Israel, US national interest, Soviet Union, Natural resources, ideologies.

Abstract
The rising and acceleration of the Shia armed group in Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and Lebanon require a deep understanding of the root of the multi-dimensional conflicts in the Middle East. An appropriate and sufficient approach to the research about these militias would be from a viewpoint of an internal conflict rather than an external conflict. The legitimization of the existence of the majority of these militias, if not all of them, is the fight and the struggle against an entity which is the Sunni sect, that would assimilate them rather than integrating them peacefully. In this article, we try to identify the impact of the Shia militias in Iraq on the formation of the future of this country. We maintain that these armed groups will be a destabilizing factor for Iraq and its neighbors, and they will worsen and deepen the sectarian division in the Middle East. We assess these different groups from different perspectives, for example, using the Weberian theory that the state is the only entity that has a monopoly of violence; Ariel Ahram's model of state-sponsored and government-sponsored militias; and finally the devolution of violence to these armed groups.

The rising and acceleration of the Shia armed group in Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and Lebanon require a deep understanding of the root of the multi-dimensional conflicts in the Middle East. An appropriate and sufficient approach to the research about these militias will be from an internal conflict rather than an external conflict. The legitimization for the existence of the majority of these militias if not all of them is to fight and struggle against an entity which is the Sunni sect, in this case, that will assimilate them not integrate them peacefully.

The political environment of Iraq in the period from 2011-2014 experienced a great degree of turbulence. Many Sunni tribes in the Anbar, Ramadi and Salahadin regions organized a daily protest against the central government, accusing it of being sectarian. Gradually, these protests become more popular, and the Baghdad government became fearful that it would spread into the other regions of Iraq. In order to control the protests, the government used force, and many were killed. Simultaneously, in Syria, and especially during 2013-2014, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) controlled more land and more people, and to take advantage of the Iraqi people's dissatisfaction with their government, ISIS crossed the border between Iraq and Syria in June 2014. Mosul as the second most heavily populated city was seized by ISIS and the Iraqi army could not fight back, which meant that the Iraqi army retreated from most of the Sunni areas. Even Baghdad, the capital of Iraq, and the city where the central government operates, was threatened. While the Iraqi army was unable to fight against ISIS, the Shia religious supreme leader Al-Sistani called for self-defence and to stand against ISIS. Sistani's call became a cornerstone for the creation of the so-called Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) with the aim of the fighting against ISIS. In this article, we assess the PMF from different perspectives, for example, using the Weberian theory that the state is the only entity that has a monopoly on violence, considering Ariel Ahram's model of state-sponsored and government-sponsored militias, and finally the devolution of violence to these armed groups.

<i>In this article, we try to identify the impact of the Shia militias in Iraq on the future of this
country. We maintain that these armed groups will be a destabilising factor for Iraq and its
neighbours, and they will worsen and deepen the sectarian division in the Middle East. We
assess these different groups from different perspectives, for example, using the Weberian
theory that the state is the only entity that has a monopoly of violence, Ariel Ahram's
model of state-sponsored and government-sponsored militias, and finally the devolution of
violence to these armed groups.</i>

Widespread communication tools such as Facebook and Twitter have become vital channels of public diplomacy. Today, policymakers must implement a successful Facebook diplomacy to enhance their nation's branding, lobbying, and culture exchange and to expand and build good relationships. This article evaluates how Facebook has been used as a tool of public diplomacy by both the U.S. Consulate General in Erbil and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Representation in Washington by performing a quantitative content analysis of their posts and the responses of their users. The results of the content analysis suggest that the United States more successfully utilizes Facebook as a public diplomacy tool to communicate than does the KRG. This article presents a theoretical argument that assumes that public diplomacy can be practiced by nonstate actors and states. The Kurds are considered and targeted by the U.S. public diplomacy program across Facebook, and this helps the Kurds develop their relationship with the United States as a supporter of potential Kurdish statehood. This research also strongly recommends that the KRG improves its Facebook webpage and highlights the values of internationally promoting the KRG as a brand.