Suchergebnisse

This paper documents the historical steps of the immediate reactions of the United Nations, Amnesty International, the World Council of Churches (WCC), the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and lawyers' organisations in support of the victims of torture and others suffering gross violations of their human rights, as perpetrated by the Chilean military from 1973 to 1990. This article is also the history of the founding of the first rehabilitation programs for torture victims in Chile in 1977 and the other care programs for victims under local and international churches' protection during the worst period of the militarydictatorship. The actions of denunciation and defense of the victims were possible through national and international networks sustained in collaborative work from inside and outside Chile, which lasted for 17 years. The results and lessons learned projected the creation of new commissions, funds, and international networks that continue today in the international arena. The rehabilitation programs under the dictatorship began as a solidarity response to the needs of victims The rehabilitation programs, born during the dictatorship, projected their practice and experience to create a comprehensive health program as part of the State's reparation measures. The testimonies of the victims made it possible to understand the consequences of human rightsviolations on individuals and society. State policies and civil society actions have sought to contribute to the reparation of victims through rehabilitation actions directly. This paper is part of the memory of that past by reconstructing the solidarity actions of denunciation and rehabilitation, and the details of which are often unknown.

This paper documents the historical steps of the immediate reactions of the United Nations, Amnesty International, the World Council of Churches (WCC), the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and lawyers' organisations in support of the victims of torture and others suffering gross violations of their human rights, as perpetrated by the Chilean military from 1973 to 1990. This article is also the history of the founding of the first rehabilitation programs for torture victims in Chile in 1977 and the other care programs for victims under local and international churches' protection during the worst period of the militarydictatorship. The actions of denunciation and defense of the victims were possible through national and international networks sustained in collaborative work from inside and outside Chile, which lasted for 17 years. The results and lessons learned projected the creation of new commissions, funds, and international networks that continue today in the international arena. The rehabilitation programs under the dictatorship began as a solidarity response to the needs of victims The rehabilitation programs, born during the dictatorship, projected their practice and experience to create a comprehensive health program as part of the State's reparation measures. The testimonies of the victims made it possible to understand the consequences of human rightsviolations on individuals and society. State policies and civil society actions have sought to contribute to the reparation of victims through rehabilitation actions directly. This paper is part of the memory of that past by reconstructing the solidarity actions of denunciation and rehabilitation, and the details of which are often unknown.

From its sweaty beats to the pulsating music on the streets, Latin/o America is perceived in the United States as the land of heat, the toy store for Western sex. It is the territory of magical fantasy and of revolutionary threat, where topography is the travel guide of desire, directing imperial voyeurs to the exhibition of the flesh. Jose Quiroga flips the stereotype upside down: he shows how Latin/o American lesbians and gay men have consistently eschewed notions of sexual identity for a politics of intervention. In Tropics of Desire, Quiroga reads hesitant Mexican poets as sex-positive voices, he questions how outing and identity politics can fall prey to the manipulations of the state, and explores how invisibility has been used as a tactical tool in opposition to the universal imperative to come out. Drawing on diverse cultural examples such as the performance of bolero and salsa, film, literature, and correspondence, and influenced by masters like Roland Barthes, Walter Benjamin and a rich tradition of Latin American stylists, Quiroga argues for a politics that denies biological determinism and cannibalizes cultural stereotypes for the sake of political action