Suchergebnisse

"Acknowledgement" -- "Contents" -- "1: Introduction: Rethinking Protection" -- " Rethinking Protection" -- " From Sovereignty to Statehood" -- " The State of Protection" -- " The Sovereign of (Non-)protection" -- " The Refugee of Protection" -- " The Mediterranean 'Crisis'" -- " Protection in Italy" -- " Chapter Overviews" -- "References" -- "Legal Documents" -- "2: The Sovereign of (Non)protection" -- " Sovereignty and the Question of Protection" -- " Protection-Obedience Axiom" -- " The International System of (Non)protection: An Overview" -- " Protection in IR" -- " Refugees in IR" -- " Beyond Sovereign Identity" -- " Concluding Remarks" -- "References" -- "3: The State of Protection" -- " Theories of the State: An Overview" -- " The State and the Question of Security" -- " The State and the Question of Protection" -- " Protection as Legal Protection" -- " The UNHCR and the Question of Protection" -- " Concluding Remarks" -- "References" -- "Legal Documents" -- "4: The Refugee of Protection" -- " Public Life and the Space(s) of Politics" -- " Enacting Citizenship" -- " Camps and Bare Life" -- " Resisting the Impossible?" -- " Dissent and Coping Strategies" -- " Testimony as an Act of Resistance" -- " (Forced) Migrants as Subjects of Rights" -- " Concluding Remarks" -- "References" -- "5: Refugees' Encampment in Italy" -- " Asylum in the 1990s: A Historical Overview" -- " The 1990s: Asylum and the Meaning of Reception" -- " 1997: Kurds and Non-protection" -- " 2001: Reception Possibilities in Rome" -- " 2002: The New Asylum System" -- " 2011: Arab Spring and Temporary Protection" -- " 2013: Some Voices from the Camp of Salaam Palace" -- " 2015: Hotspots and New Encampments" -- " Concluding Remarks" -- "References" -- "Legal Documents" -- "6: Rethinking International Protection

By focusing on the notion of 'coming out as undocumented', this concept paper critically explores whether identity politics has the potential to transform dominant 'illegalisation' processes. It argues that although the coming out strategy has helped make marginalised communities more visible and audible, it does not necessarily help disrupt dominant stigmas. Drawing upon insights from Disability Studies and Fat and Queer Politics, it suggests that the celebration of stigmatised identities through coming out events does not necessarily disrupt and transform unequal systems. What is needed is a radical shift in focus: from identity celebration to political projects, from an 'unliveable' present to an inclusive tomorrow.

Jacques Rancière's theorisation of the political has been particularly influential in investigating political struggles and social movements. By distinguishing between the police order – tasked with maintaining the dominant (hierarchical) system – and politics – aiming at breaking that system – Rancière suggests reading the political as a disruptive event. However, he does not specifically engage with the question of how politics affects and changes the police order. This is what this article aims at exploring. Building upon Kuhn's The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, I suggest approaching the police order in the same way Kuhn approaches 'normal science' and reading the political in the same way Kuhn reads revolutionary science. I ultimately suggest that Rancière's theorisation of the political is limited because he does not (sufficiently) account for the interplay between police/politics nor for the emergence of an after-politics, that is, a new (ordinary) police order that emerges out of (extraordinary) political events.

Since the COVID-19 outbreak in early 2020, most analyses have used a Foucauldian perspective to investigate the disciplinary and surveillance mechanisms that (il/liberal) states introduced to contain the spread of the virus. Focussing on the Italian context, I suggest that, despite the mobility restrictions, the government retained overall its liberal rationality. Italian institutions did not aim to create a state of police nor to transform subjects into docile bodies. By reading the COVID-19 emergency with Foucault, I suggest approaching COVID-19 restrictions through the concept of governmentality, and propose that Italian institutions, at different levels, structured people's fields of action by persuading, encouraging, and incentivising certain behaviours during the pandemic. However, I also suggest reading the COVID-19 emergency beyond Foucault by engaging with the work of Michel de Certeau and investigating the many 'antidisciplinary practices' through which people 'metaphorized' dominant (disciplinary) norms.

The present article looks at the politics of the camp and investigates the way in which detainees claim their right to a political and meaningful life against bare life. The question I look at is whether bare life might be resisted from within camps and how this resistance should be conceptualised. How are we to judge resistance? According to the modalities through which resistance is enacted? Or according to the subjects involved in those acts? Or indeed according to (political) outcomes? This article starts by scrutinising Agamben's Homo Sacer and its understanding of camp and bare life. It claims that more attention should be given to the way in which acts of open dissent blend with coping strategies, to the point of making some dissenting acts almost imperceptible. Special attention is given to the concept of dailiness, as articulated in the work of De Certeau, Scott and Bleiker, as well as to Isin's concept of 'acts of citizenship' and to the way in which such acts are performed in an attempt to disrupt sovereign violence. Adapted from the source document.

The present article looks at the politics of the camp and investigates the way in which detainees claim their right to a political and meaningful life against bare life. The question I look at is whether bare life might be resisted from within camps and how this resistance should be conceptualised. How are we to judge resistance? According to the modalities through which resistance is enacted? Or according to the subjects involved in those acts? Or indeed according to (political) outcomes? This article starts by scrutinising Agamben's Homo Sacer and its understanding of camp and bare life. It claims that more attention should be given to the way in which acts of open dissent blend with coping strategies, to the point of making some dissenting acts almost imperceptible. Special attention is given to the concept of dailiness, as articulated in the work of De Certeau, Scott and Bleiker, as well as to Isin's concept of 'acts of citizenship' and to the way in which such acts are performed in an attempt to disrupt sovereign violence.

While the reception capacity of the Italian asylum system has always been very limited, the situation has deteriorated since the uprisings in North Africa. The protection offered continues to be inspired by the original rationale of very short-term assistance. Settlement policies are completely missing and those granted refugee status are in effect left to fend for themselves. This has led to the paradoxical situation where people have escaped to Italy and then seek to escape from Italy. Some simply attempt to move towards other European countries without going through any identification process after landing. Others apply for asylum and move on soon after when they find themselves abandoned by local institutions. And still others do move on even if in possession of an official piece of paper that grants them international protection. In Italy that recognition, in the vast majority of cases, offers nothing in terms of living facilities and of a dignified life. Adapted from the source document.