Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Foreword -- Preface -- Praise for Grievances and Public Protests -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1 Exploring the Ground: Grievances and Protest -- Introduction -- Theoretical Framework (I): Grievances -- Theoretical Framework (II): Cleavages, Grievances and the Political Process Approach-An Integrated Framework -- Empirical Design -- This Volume -- References -- Chapter 2 The Context: Spain, Protest and the Great Recession -- Introduction -- The Recession Hits Spain: The Chronicle of a Foretold Drama -- Mobilisation in Spain Since the Transition -- Contending with Austerity: An Overview -- References -- Chapter 3 Eventful Protests and No-radicalisation: The Trajectory of Contention in Spain, 2007-2015 -- Introduction -- Data and Methods -- The Cycle of Anti-Austerity Protest in Spain -- Protest Persistence and No-radicalisation -- Downward Scale Shift and Alliance Building -- Conclusion -- Appendix -- References -- Chapter 4 The Merrier, the Fewer? Political Dissatisfaction and Protest Size Fluctuations in Times of Austerity -- Introduction -- Grievances and the Size of Protests -- Research Design, Data and Operationalisation -- Protest Event Analysis -- The Dependent Variable -- Predictors -- Controls -- Results and Discussion -- Conclusion -- Appendix -- References -- Chapter 5 Unpacking the Virtuous Circle: Aggrieved Protesters, Feedback Effects or Both at the Same Time? -- Introduction -- Grievances for Mobilisation Under the Recession -- Objective-Material Grievances -- Subjective-Ideational Grievances -- Feedback Effects? -- Data -- The Dependent Variable -- Predictors -- Controls -- Results and Discussion -- Conclusion -- Appendix -- References -- Chapter 6 Voicing Outrage Unevenly: Democratic Dissatisfaction and Frequency of Participation in the 15M Campaign.

Young people's mass mobilisation has been key for restructuring political competition in Southern Europe in the last decade. From a comparative standpoint, this article examines the drivers of protest in Greece, Italy, and Spain. The main results point towards a strong heterogeneity among the three cases: while women and people with left-libertarian attitudes form the basis of youth-driven contemporary street protest in Spain, these findings are partially confirmed for Italy and ruled out for Greece. We argue that protest legacies and trajectories need to go together with politicisation and issue salience to get individual-level correlates of protest activated - however, our mixed empirical evidence suggests that some context-specific conditions intervene in this relationship. Our results point towards a strong heterogeneity in the profile of protesters, inviting us to question the use of Southern Europe as a valid unit of analysis for the study of contemporary social movements and protests.

Young people's mass mobilisation has been key for restructuring political competition in Southern Europe in the last decade. From a comparative standpoint, this article examines the drivers of protest in Greece, Italy, and Spain. The main results point towards a strong heterogeneity among the three cases: while women and people with left-libertarian attitudes form the basis of youth-driven contemporary street protest in Spain, these findings are partially confirmed for Italy and ruled out for Greece. We argue that protest legacies and trajectories need to go together with politicisation and issue salience to get individual-level correlates of protest activated—however, our mixed empirical evidence suggests that some context-specific conditions intervene in this relationship. Our results point towards a strong heterogeneity in the profile of protesters, inviting us to question the use of Southern Europe as a valid unit of analysis for the study of contemporary social movements and protests.

15M mobilizations represent the most relevant events of a broader cycle of collective actionsagainst austerity and the political status quo in the context of recession. This contribution introduces and explores an original dataset collected through protest event analysis conducted for Spain between 2007 and 2015. It allows us to pin down the longitudinal fluctuations of political contention over this period. Based on it, a chronology of the cycle of protest is established; moreover, the temporal dynamics of some aspects related to protests are analyzed, such as protest participants, organizers, levels of disruption, evolution of claims and territorial distribution. ; Las movilizaciones del 15M han sido protagonistas de un ciclo más amplio de acciones colectivas contra la austeridad y el statu quo político en el contexto de la recesión. Esta contribución presenta y explora una base de datos original recabada con análisis de eventos de protesta para España entre 2007 y 2015, que permite capturar las fluctuaciones en el ámbito de la contienda política a lo largo de este período. En base a ella, se establece una periodización del ciclo de protestas y se analizan las dinámicas temporales de determinados aspectos relacionados con las mismas, como los asistentes, organizadores, niveles de disrupción, evolución de las demandas y distribución territorial.

Based on theories of cycles of collective behavior, this piece establishes a periodization of the cycle of anti-austerity and anti-political status quo protests in the shadow of the Great Recession that Spain faced between 2007 and 2015. More specifically, it tries to explain why the peak of protests persisted for so long: radicalization was contained, institutionalization postponed and protesters' divisions avoided. The crucial argument here, an innovation with regards to the classic theories of cycles, is that the high standards of mobilization persisted for a long time as the result of the issue specialization of a more gen-eral anti-austerity fight and the strategic alliances ––with varying degrees of formality–– that new civil organizations forged with the unions. For illustrating the longitudinal dynamics of the cycle of protests, we use original protest event data

AbstractPolitical participation and party attachment in Western democracies have become more and more volatile. In turn, political campaigns seem increasingly dependent on short-term discursive windows of opportunity opened by dynamic debates on issues such as migration, climate, employment and economic policies. Based on panel data from nine European countries, we investigate how patterns and changes in the materialist and postmaterialist concerns of respondents affect electoral turnout and party switching. By relating these variables, we aim to uncover whether and to what extent underlying concerns – and thus short-term politicization – account for short-term patterns of electoral volatility. We pay special attention to young respondents, who are often framed as being particularly dynamic and less bound to traditional political loyalties. Our findings offer insights into short-term change in discursive opportunities for political mobilization and broader democratic engagement.

Engaging with research on protest participation and gender inequalities, we examine how gender dynamics play a crucial role in shaping patterns of protest participation across the rural/urban divide. We argue that moving from a rural toward an urban setting leads to an increase in protest participation for women, but not for men. Using an original two-wave panel survey dataset collected for the same individuals between 2018 and 2019 and covering nine European countries, we are able to go beyond traditional correlation analyses and measure our key variables over time, thus developing a dynamic approach that links differences in gender, socio-geographical positioning and protest participation. Our findings demonstrate that the rural/urban divide as a driver of protest participation affects women and men differently, because it might be shaped by different experiences of political socialization, socio-economic status and structures of domination and discrimination, leading to different opportunities and incentives for mobilization.

AbstractThe use of mobile instant messaging services (MIMS) for the dissemination of electoral information has been increasing in recent years. Drawing on a novel dataset from a 2015 post-electoral survey in Spain, we focus on individuals' digital political behavior, both public and private. Our results show that, in a context of high electoral volatility and polarization, right-wing supporters are willing to engage in political persuasion activities using tools such as MIMS in the private digital arena but not publicly (e.g., on social media). In contrast, left-wing milieus develop mobilization efforts in both public and private settings. We argue that distinct political styles are key in accounting for the difference in channels of partisan persuasion, in which preference falsification mechanisms are involved in the public sphere. These results bear important implications for the understanding of false information exchanges in the private sphere, social media activism, and political participation. Additionally, they help us shed light on the recurring failure of polls in capturing electoral behavior among right-wing voters in polarized elections and referenda.

We analyse coalition-building in feminist mobilisations in times of crisis in two similar cases: Spain and Italy. Based on social movement literature, we develop two key arguments. First, in austerity-ridden scenarios, connecting socio-economic grievances and feminist demands is key for the feminist mass mobilisations to follow. Second, anti-austerity struggles must resonate across different dimensions of coalition-building, both within the feminist movements and across feminists and other actors, such as LGBTQ collectives and anti-austerity challengers. The data used throughout the article come from semi-structured interviews with activists in Italian and Spanish feminist grass-roots organisations. Our results suggest that times of neoliberal crisis may present opportunities not only to advance the feminist agenda, but also to foster alliances within the feminist milieus and between feminists and other relevant collective actors. These alliances might well extend beyond the period of greatest hardship.

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Information, Communication & Society on 21/04/2020, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/1369118X.2020.1749697 ; Recent studies suggest that new parties display new patterns of digital mobilization. We shed light on this debate: do new party supporters engage in online political activities to a greater extent during electoral campaigns? Do they share political images or quotes on social media, participate in political forums, or exchange political messages with their friends more often than supporters of traditional parties? No. Drawing on a post-electoral survey dataset in Spain, we find that offline extra-institutional political activities are key predictors of the level of online political engagement. Even in the context of a polarized electoral campaign and the emergence of new electoral forces such as Podemos, extra-institutional political participation drives digital activism to the detriment of institutional variables, such as turnout or partisan preferences. Thus, all parties depend on extra-institutional activists to boost their online campaigns. Since grassroots activists increasingly influence the communicative strategy of all political parties, we interpret this process within a long-term digital-based post-material transformation of the political culture, with major implications for partisan organization, mobilization, and polarization in many democracies. We contend that the overrepresentation of grassroots activists in producing and disseminating political content in social media may have favored an increase of the visibility and public support of political outsiders in several countries ; This work was supported by Secretaría de Estado de Investigacion, Desarrollo e Innovacion [grant number CSO2013-48612-C2-1-P]

Anti-corruption claims have been at the core of many mass mobilizations worldwide. However, the nexus between corruption and collective action is often overlooked. Bridging social movement and corruption studies, this article contends that believing in extensive corruption has a positive impact on non-electoral forms of participation. But this effect is uneven across the population and contingent upon the individual's political interest and education. Using survey data from 34 countries, the analysis confirms that people prefer non-electoral mobilization when institutions are seemingly captured by vested interests. Moreover, perceiving endemic corruption is likely to breed indignation among lesser-educated and less politically interested citizens, who are keener to embrace anti-elitist arguments and ultimately engage in extra-institutional behaviour. These findings help refine theories of societal accountability, which generally assume that politically sophisticated citizens are the driving force in the fight against corruption.

The implementation of austerity and neoliberal policies has disrupted everyday life for a significant number of Europeans, especially among young people. Rising tuition fees, labor market reforms, levels of unemployment, precarious working conditions, and discontent toward the political status quo have contributed to increase moral panics and outrage, which have often triggered mass protests. This article analyses whether and to what extent young Europeans express their demands via protest claims across nine European countries ( N = 4,525). We argue that examining political (institutional and discursive) opportunities and claims' attributes (such as actors, issues, targets) is important to understand whether a youth-related claim takes a protest form or not.