Suchergebnisse

The purpose of the study. The study of morbidity with temporary disability of working officers of the Navy, retired and resigned, as well as affecting the level of certain factors.Materials and methods. A sociological survey of 574 officers of the Navy, who were dismissed from the Armed Forces to the reserve (resignation), was held. 32.7% of them at the time of the survey have been working.Results. 48.8% of respondents rated their health at the time of the survey as a good for their age. The level of morbidity with temporary disability (MWTD) in 100 operating reserve (retired) officers amounted to 94 cases. The number of days of temporary disability was equal to 867 days per 100 employed military pensioners. Most long-term treatment (up to 47 days) were required for patients with blood diseases. Analysis of the structure of diseases of reserve (retired) officers leading to temporary disability, showed that the bulk of the cases (63.7 per cent) were diseases of the respiratory organs, in second place were diseases of the circulatory system (24,5%), the third — diseases of the genitourinary system (4.3%). The average number of existing diseases to working military retirees less than idle: 1.9 vs 2.1. The average number of diseases at the single soldiers discharged was significantly more than that of living in family.Conclusion. The features of level and structure, as well as risk factors of MWTD should be considered in the development and adoption of administrative decisions directed on preservation and strengthening of health of reserve (retired) officers. ; Цель исследования. Изучение заболеваемости с временной утратой трудоспособности у работающих офицеров Военно-Морского Флота, уволенных в запас и в отставку, а также влияющих на ее уровень отдельных факторов.Материалы и методы. Проведен социологический опрос 574 офицеров Военно-Морского Флота, уволенных из рядов Вооруженных Сил в запас (в отставку), среди которых 32,7% на момент обследования работали.Результаты. Оценили свое здоровье на момент обследования как хорошее для своего возраста 48,8% респондентов. Уровень заболеваемости с временной утратой трудоспособности (ЗВУТ) на 100 работающих офицеров запаса (в отставке) составил 94 случая. Число дней временной утраты трудоспособности равнялось 867 дням на 100 работающих военных пенсионеров. Наиболее длительное лечение (до 47 дней) требовалось пациентам при болезнях крови. Анализ структуры заболеваний, приведших офицеров запаса (в отставке) к временной утрате трудоспособности, показал, что основная часть случаев (63,7%) приходилась на болезни органов дыхания, на втором месте находились болезни системы кровообращения (24,5%), на третьем — болезни мочеполовой системы (4,3%). Установлено, что среднее число имеющихся заболеваний у работающих военных пенсионеров меньше, чем у неработающих,— 1,9 против 2,1. При этом среднее число заболеваний у одиноких военнослужащих, уволенных в запас, было достоверно больше, чем у проживающих в семье.Заключение. Выявленные особенности уровня и структуры, а также факторы риска ЗВУТ следует учитывать при разработке и принятии управленческих решений, направленных на сохранение и укрепление здоровья офицеров запаса (в отставке).

The article examines the reasons for the superior performance of East Asia in containing the human and economic costs of the 2020 coronavirus pandemic. The East Asian model is based on solidarity and priority of collective interests over individual interests, whereas the Western model emphasizes competition and guarantees of individual rights. The quantifiable characteristics that allow to draw a distinction between the two models are income and wealth inequalities, property and control over corporations, institutional capacity of the state (measured as homicide rate and the size of shadow economy), and trust in the government. Because of the East Asian model's superiority in these respects, both the number of infections and the mortality rates from COVID-19 in China and other East Asian countries were lower than in Western countries by two orders of magnitude. Besides, the 2020 economic crisis associated with the pandemic was much deeper in the West than in East Asia. These developments give new arguments in support of the views that East Asian economic and social model is more viable than the Western model. Continued rise of East Asia and proliferation of East Asian model in the developing world will lead to profound changes in the world economic order.

The article analyzes a number of publications of Austrian historians who actively turned to the state experience of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in the middle of the last century. Interest in the historical heritage of the Habsburg monarchy was associated not only with the Anniversary of the First World War, but also with the creation of the European Union, the prototype of which was Austria-Hungary. The authors carefully considered the national policy of the state, its relationship with the economic situation of individual regions, the impact on political processes. It looks like an exaggeration enthusiastic assessment of the German minority contribution to the economic and cultural development of other nations of the Empire. Despite the numerous problems that AustriaHungary could not solve, the researchers believed that this multinational state was the first attempt to build a common European home and in their opinion, the failure of Austria-Hungary was associated exclusively with the national egoism of local elites. At the conclusion of most Austrian historians, negative aspects prevailed in the consequences of the destruction of Austria-Hungary, and its sad fate looks like a warning to modern leaders of the European Union who are forced to solve similar issues and face the same challenges that the Danube monarchy had not answered. ; У статті аналізується низка публікацій австрійських істориків, які у середині минулого століття активно зверталися до державотворчого досвіду Австро-Угорської монархії. Інтерес до історичної спадщини монархії Габсбургів був пов'язаний не лише з ювілеєм Першої світової війни, а й зі створенням Європейського Союзу, прообразом якого вважалася Австро-Угорщина. Автори ретельно розглядали національну політику держави, її зв'язок з економічним становищем окремих регіонів, її вплив на політичні процеси. Виглядає перебільшенням фанатична оцінка внеску німецької меншості у господарський та культурний розвиток інших народів імперії. Незважаючи на численні проблеми, які не спромоглася вирішити Австро-Угорщина, дослідники вбачали, що ця багатонаціональна держава була першою спробою будування загальноєвропейського дому, невдача якої, на їх думку, пов'язана виключно з національним егоїзмом місцевих еліт. За висновками більшості австрійських істориків, у наслідках руйнування Австро-Угорщини переважали негативні моменти, а її сумна доля є попередженням сучасним лідерам Європейського Союзу, які змушені вирішувати аналогічні питання і стикаються з тими ж викликами, на які не відповіла Дунайська монархія.

The article explains the reasons for nomination and traces the dynamics of the contents of the "dialogue of civilizations" and "alliance of civilizations" concepts. The reasons and circumstances that led to the ineffectiveness of attempts at their practical implementation are considered. The corresponding initiatives did not have a genuinely civilizational scale, closing in the framework of two monotheistic religions – Christianity and Islam.The author postulates two sets of problems, around which a possible intercivilizational dialogue is possible -demographic problems and consumption optimization.

Sunni and Shiite disagreements are incited, first of all, by the Western countries to keep control over the situation in the region. It is an example of exploitation of a religious factor in the political goals.

This paper examines the trajectory of growth in the Global South. Before the 1500s all countries were roughly at the same level of development, but from the 1500s Western countries started to grow faster than the rest of the world and PPP GDP per capita by 1950 in the US, the richest Western nation, was nearly 5 times higher than the world average and 2 times higher than in Western Europe. Since 1950 this ratio stabilized - not only Western Europe and Japan improved their relative standing in per capita income versus the US, but also East Asia, South Asia and some developing countries in other regions started to bridge the gap with the West. After nearly half of the millennium of growing economic divergence, the world seems to have entered the era of convergence. The factors behind these trends are analyzed; implications for the future and possible scenarios are considered.

Maintaining today's global imbalances would help overcome the major disproportion of our times — income gap between developed and developing countries. This gap was widening for 500 years, since the XVI century, and only now, in recent 60 years, there are some signs that this gap is starting to decrease. The chances to close this gap sooner rather than later would be better, if the West goes into debt, allowing developing countries to have trade surpluses that would help them develop faster. Previously, in the XVI—XX centuries, it was the West that developed faster, accumulating surpluses in the trade with "the rest of the world" and using them to buy assets in developing countries, while "the rest of the world" was going into debt. Now it is time for "the rest" to accumulate international assets and for the West to go into debt.

Why have many transition economies succeeded by pursuing policies which are so different from the radical economic liberalization (shock therapy) that is normally credited for the economic success of countries of Central Europe? First, optimal policies are context dependent, they are specific for each stage of development and what worked in Slovenia cannot be expected to work in Mongolia. Second, even for the countries with the same level of development reforms that are necessary to stimulate growth are different; they depend on the previous history and on the path chosen. The reduction of government expenditure as a share of GDP did not undermine significantly the institutional capacity of the state in China, but in Russia and other CIS countries it turned out to be ruinous. The art of the policymaker is to create markets without causing government failure, as happened in many CIS countries.

This paper starts by separating the transformational recession from the process of economic growth (recovery from the transformational recession) in 28 transition economies (including China, Vietnam and Mongolia). It is argued that the collapse of output during transition can be best explained as adverse supply shock caused mostly by two factors: change in relative prices after their deregulation due to distortions in industrial structure and trade patterns accumulated during the period of central planning; collapse of state institutions during transition period that worsened the investment climate. The speed of liberalization, to the extent it was endogenous, i.e. determined by political economy factors, had an adverse effect on performance as the 2SLS estimates suggest. In contrast, at the recovery stage the ongoing liberalization starts to affect growth positively, whereas the impact of pre-transition distortions disappears. Institutional capacity and reasonable macroeconomic policy, however, continue to be important prerequisites for successful performance.