Suchergebnisse

Abstract
This article examines the issue of property administration within the Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem from the late Ottoman period to the present, focusing on the acquisition and management of extensive land estates known as vakf that hold immense significance, especially given the ongoing land dispute between Israel and the Palestinians. In this context, the article provides a concise historical overview of the development of the church's immovable property portfolio and discusses the question of who should be its administrator and under which conditions the state authorities should be involved. To this end, it analyzes the charter of the patriarchate, established as law 27/1958 by the Kingdom of Jordan, highlighting its advantages as well as its implementation in practice. It argues that the legal status of Jerusalem is intricately linked to this matter, as the Israeli judiciary recognizes only the patriarch's authority in validating contracts, marginalizing the laity and the Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulchre. By shedding light on these challenges and the complex dynamics at play, the article provides insights into the current state of property administration within the Orthodox Church of Jerusalem and highlights the need for addressing these issues in the future.

The aim of the paper is twofold: a) to critically assess the socio-political crisis within the Orthodox Church of Jerusalem that arose between the Greek hierarchy and the Arab laity concerning the implementation of a new regulatory framework of patriarchal operation, according to the Young Turks Constitution; and b) to examine the subsequent internal conflict within the ecclesiastical bureaucracy and its ideological and political connotations. The first question has deep historical roots. From the nineteenth century onwards the Arab lay community demanded emancipation from Greek religious (and economic) control that was perceived as cultural imperialism. Their claim was rejected by the hierarchical apparatus in the name of the identity between 'Hellenism' and 'Orthodoxy' which was an expression of a 'hegemonic' strategy to maintain its institutional dominance. The restoration of the Constitution (1908), following the Young Turk's Revolution, afforded the opportunity for a more liberal modification of the religious administration with the participation of the laity in the decision-making process. The refusal of the hierarchy, however, which perceived any change as a threat to its absolute power and national composition, led to the Arab orthodox uprising. The effort of patriarch Damianos to proceed to negotiations was repudiated by the hierarchy and led to his dethronement by the Synod. Damianos, however, with the support of the Arab laity and its Russian protector managed to re-establish his authority, assenting to the adoption of the so-called Turkish Order (1910) that stipulated the establishment of a Mixed Council for the management of patriarchal affairs. We provide a contextual historical account of the associated events, sketching out the social considerations, the cultural stakes and the political goals of the key-players involved in these interconnected crises. This conflict was strongly influenced by the issue of administration/ownership of vast patriarchal land and properties, and by the broader process of nation building and secularization within the orthodox commonwealth in the late Ottoman period.

The paper investigates whether there is a link between the main radical right-wing parties in Greece, Italy and Sweden and the pre-dominant church institutions within these countries. The focus lies on the interaction between the party's ideology and the church's political discourse. We distinguish between the 'internal supply side' (the party's discourse on the religious agenda), the 'external supply side' (the Church's current discourse), and the 'demand side' (the Church's traditional discourse). The research aim is to determine whether religious voters (who are formal church members, who believe and who practice regularly) might constitute a potential electorate for radical right-wing parties. This assumption builds on the 'pathological normalcy' thesis that radical right-wing parties promote an extreme version of the mainstream values in society (Mudde 2010). The method for elaborating the official church and party documents is based on the theorization of the so-called Essex school of dis- course analysis. The findings of the paper are that the religious electorate is a potential pool for the radical right party family to the extent that the internal supply side and the external supply side overlap. This applies to the largest extent in Greece, to a medium extent in Italy and to a low extent in Sweden.