Suchergebnisse

Men and women variably perceive climate change, as the literature suggests that women perceive a higher level of changes compared to men. This study investigated differentials in climate change perception among Nepal's men and women, using a river basin level primary data. Data were collected from 360 household heads of three spatial clusters – Meghauli (153), Lumle (141), and Upper-Mustang (66), located at different ecological zones of the Kaligandaki Basin. Out of the total respondents, 106 were women. Perceptions on 11 weather-related elements were asked to the respondents to level the perceived change in the unipolar Likert Scale. Such information was supplemented through 75 Key Informants (KIs), 24 Focused Group Discussions (FGDs), and Historical Timeline Calendars from nine locations. Findings suggest that differences in climate change perception exist between women and men, and women in particular generally felt a higher level of change. However, the findings are not strongly supported by both statistical tests i.e. test of mean differences (the independent sample t-test) between the responses of men and women, and the test of association (chi-square) between the gender of respondents and the type of responses they have chosen. The findings indicate that both men and women perceive the change if it was easily noticeable. Therefore, a critical understanding of the association of other socio-economic and ecological factors on the construction of perception to climate change would be necessary to form a successful climate change adaptation policy. Furthermore, since the findings are based on an exploratory and cross-sectional study, further investigation with rigorous approaches is required to draw more concrete conclusions.

Rural livelihoods in Nepal are generally based on ecosystem resources. Despite a large number of studies on the Himalayan livelihoods, representation of the Trans-Himalaya, particularly Upper-Mustang, are rare. Such a scarcity could be associated with the fact that the place was isolated from the rest of the world and mainstream Nepali societies for a long time and also used to be known as 'forbidden kingdom.' This paper documents livelihood situation of Upper-Mustang in reference to the data collected in 66 households, in-depth interviews taken with 22 key informants, and focus group discussions conducted in 6 locations. Household livelihood system was studied with reference to five livelihood capitals, which were transformed into Livelihood Capital Index (LCI) at first and Livelihood Sustainability Index (LSI) later. Households in the Trans-Himalaya fulfill their livelihood requirement from multiple sources such as farming and livestock ranching together with small-scale enterprises, remittance and labouring. Overall status of livelihood capital is weak that cannot satisfy households' food and livelihood requirements. There exists inter-household variation in the status of livelihood capitals.The households with diversified livelihood options have relatively secured livelihood, although such security is relative to the households of Upper-Mustang. Considering the weak status of agro-livestock system, which is mostly associated with unfavorable geographic conditions and lack of agro-livestock service provision, the region has sound scope for tourism industries and production as well as marketing of medicinal and aromatic plants, and fruits. Therefore, there is a plenty of possibility of diversifying livelihoods, however, neither the communities are eager to do so nor the state policies are encouraging. Therefore, together with expansion and advancement of physical infrastructure, effective service delivery and provision for social welfare, government programs should be facilitative for optimum and sustainable utilization of ecosystem resources for the sustainability of household livelihood system.Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol.11, 2017; 24-59

Rural livelihoods in Nepal are generally based on ecosystem resources. Despite a large number of studies on the Himalayan livelihoods, representation of the Trans-Himalaya, particularly Upper-Mustang, are rare. Such a scarcity could be associated with the fact that the place was isolated from the rest of the world and mainstream Nepali societies for a long time and also used to be known as 'forbidden kingdom.' This paper documents livelihood situation of Upper-Mustang in reference to the data collected in 66 households, in-depth interviews taken with 22 key informants, and focus group discussions conducted in 6 locations. Household livelihood system was studied with reference to five livelihood capitals, which were transformed into Livelihood Capital Index (LCI) at first and Livelihood Sustainability Index (LSI) later. Households in the Trans-Himalaya fulfill their livelihood requirement from multiple sources such as farming and livestock ranching together with small-scale enterprises, remittance and labouring. Overall status of livelihood capital is weak that cannot satisfy households' food and livelihood requirements. There exists inter-household variation in the status of livelihood capitals.The households with diversified livelihood options have relatively secured livelihood, although such security is relative to the households of Upper-Mustang. Considering the weak status of agro-livestock system, which is mostly associated with unfavorable geographic conditions and lack of agro-livestock service provision, the region has sound scope for tourism industries and production as well as marketing of medicinal and aromatic plants, and fruits. Therefore, there is a plenty of possibility of diversifying livelihoods, however, neither the communities are eager to do so nor the state policies are encouraging. Therefore, together with expansion and advancement of physical infrastructure, effective service delivery and provision for social welfare, government programs should be facilitative for optimum and sustainable utilization of ecosystem resources for the sustainability of household livelihood system.Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol.11, 2017; 24-59

Food insecurity is a global issue, with higher prevalence of hunger in developing countries. Low crop yield and food production - due to difficult topography and traditional farming methods - combined with lower income; fluctuations in prices and supply, and low quality of food have been causing food insecurity in Nepal. This research examines food (in)security situation in Upper-Mustang, Nepal. The results are derived from the data collected through face–to-face interviews with the heads of 66 households, in-depth interviews conducted with 22 key informants, and discussions with the group of local people in different (6) places. The household food system was studied from livelihood perspectives and food (in)security was assessed in relation to self-sufficiency or production sufficiency, access, utilization, and stability of food. Households in the Trans-Himalaya acquire food from multiple sources such as farming and livestock ranching, buy food from the market, and also receive food aid for the sake of survival during the food crisis. Food security situation in terms of self-production in Upper-Mustang is at worst stage that many households are facing severe to chronic food insecurity. Studied households access marketed food, though the price they pay is very high. The worrisome issue is that there is no significant improvement in food security situation over time in the Trans-Himalaya. Study found that not the household size but dependency ratio in the household increases food insecurity. On the other hand, quality of farmland in terms of cropping intensity and availability of irrigation rather than the farm-plot size contribute for food security. The issue of food security is still a valid development policy goal for Nepal in general and for the Trans-Himalaya in particular. Accordingly, food security interventions are important. Yet, policy for interventions should look into all components of food systems, particularly providing irrigation, promoting local food varieties, and provisioning for food subsidies and food aid together with subsidies in food transport.

This paper discusses the environmental myths and narratives prevailing in Nepal in reference to the population growth and soil erosion. Soil erosion is taken as primary element of environmental degradation by the theory of the Himalayan Environmental Degradation (HED). Many myths and narratives were generated by the vested interest groups to develop the HED. Population growth and over exploitation of natural resource were considered as the prominent causes of soil erosion related environmental degradation. The myths and narratives based on the theory of the HED are still influential in development and environmental policy process in Nepal. In this background this paper highlights some of the research findings that are contrary to conventional belief i.e. population growth lead to soil erosion. The paper is based on literature review. The research evidences from both social and natural sciences are entertained. This paper generates alternative thinking to end the hegemony and unquestionable acceptance of the findings of research undertaken by 'Western, White men' as truth; and their recommendations as the 'blue print' solutions. Critics over orthodox environmentalism and neo-Malthusian accounts are made to validate the 'hybrid knowledge' generated in this paper. There are evidences that population pressure have promoted soil erosion. However, Himalayan environmental dynamism which is purely a natural process is far more responsible for soil erosion in the Himalaya. Hence, it is suggested that a critical assessment of any 'facts' obtained from research should be made before making them the narratives and reflecting them in policy process. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v7i0.10442 Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 7, 2013; 173-196

Marital adjustment implicates both the family and professional life of women. It has, however, not received adequate research attention in Nepal. This paper assesses the marital adjustment of working women and housewives in Kathmandu, Nepal, using the Marital Adjustment Inventory developed by Kumar and Rohatgi (1976). Data are collected using face-to-face interviews with 270 women selected through purposive-cluster sampling. The data were analyzed using descriptive and bi-variate level inferential statistics. Most respondents were well-educated young Newa community women living in joint families. Married women of Kathmandu Valley enjoy fairly well-adjusted conjugal union, with even better adjustment of working women since their earnings act as power. The bi-variate level test indicated a significantly associated between age at marriage, working status, monthly income, and type of family with marital adjustment. However, the prevailing scholarship indicates that factors affecting marital adjustment are not universal. Rather, they are context-specific. Working women of joint families showed higher levels of marital adjustment, indicating the strength of power (money as resources) and socio-cultural norms for family bonds for family happiness. While these findings seek policy recognition and practical translation of these elements under a wider approach to women's empowerment and family well-being, we also recommend women go to work rather than stay at home, for a better conjugal relationship.

AbstractThis paper investigates how different institutions of Loba communities of the Upper Mustang work together and facilitate the community to cope with the environmental dynamics in the region. The indigenous institutions are place-based, and their evolution is concerned with reducing vulnerability and enhancing the resilience capacity of place-based communities to cope with and adapt to local natural and socio-cultural environmental dynamics. The paper is based on anthropological fieldwork. Qualitative data were collected by applying observation and interviews. The paper presents the role of the galbo, (Lo King), ghenba (Village Chief), Lama (Monk), and dhongba (Household) as local institutions that act in close relation and make community-level decisions. The findings reveal that the King is seen as the leader whose governance best suited to the local natural environment, cultural practices, and economy. The Lama plays a major role in reinforcing local rules, while the Ghenba is an agent who mediates the Lo King and people in materializing rules and operationalizing institutional mechanisms. The Dhongbas are units of production of the local social-ecosystem that are entitled to use local resources within the context of the institution's agreed rules, norms, and values. These local institutions are cooperating well, successfully regulating, managing, and protecting agricultural, forest, and pasture lands, and maintaining the monuments in Lo-manthang for centuries. However, recent social-environmental dynamics such as climate change, migration, and modernization are reducing the relevancies of traditional norms and practices. Nevertheless, the institutions are working hard to continue their existence by frequently modifying their rules and norms.

AbstractThis paper presents community interference on agricultural ecology against climate change impacts in Lo-manthang, Upper-Mustang, Nepal. The peoples' response strategies are based on traditional agroecological knowledge. This study applied the human ecological approach (Cause ➔ Effect ➔ Response) to analyze continuity and change in the agricultural practice of the indigenous Loba community of the Trans-Himalaya. Data were generated through anthropological fieldwork using quasi-ethnomethodology. Qualitative data on changing climate was further supported by the analysis of meteorological records of last 40 years from the nearest station. The overall impression of the study is that the Lobas are hardly adapting to the dynamics of socio-environmental factors as climatic, geo-environmental, and politico-institutional changes. The strategy adopted to respond to the impacts of change on the local livelihoods is particularly associated with altering traditional agricultural practices. Indigenous knowledge-based systems of farm, labor, and resource management, accompanied by changes in food preference (food value) and linking agriculture with spiritual practice, are specific adaptation options, further supported by emerging options such as occupational modernization and migration. However, not all of these strategies produced positive outcomes in the local socio-ecological system of Lo-manthang. Therefore, policymakers should recognize Trans-Himalayan environmental uniqueness and its sensitivity to different drivers while designing policy to address them.

AbstractThe state of food (in)security in rural communities of different ecological zones of the Kaligandaki Basin, Nepal, is assessed using a Household Food Insecurity Access Scale (HFIAS). The data were collected from 360 households using face‐to‐face interviews. The results show poor availability of food from subsistence production in the Middle‐Mountains and Trans‐Himalaya, whereas most households with sufficient purchasing power are able to access additional food from the market. Net food security is poor, with the highest level of insecurity in the Middle‐Mountains, followed by the Trans‐Himalaya and the Tarai. Although weaknesses were found in application of the HFIAS method due to respondent bias in subjective assessments of food insecurity in producer–consumer rural households, the method was found to be effective for rapidly incorporating utilization and stability elements into appraisals. Although not comprehensive, this approach has the potential to complement other forms of knowledge for designing targeted food policy in Nepal.