The Thickness of Pitch: Crossmodal Metaphors in Farsi, Turkish, and Zapotec
In: The senses & society, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 96-105
ISSN: 1745-8927
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In: The senses & society, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 96-105
ISSN: 1745-8927
In: Developmental science, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 636-643
ISSN: 1467-7687
AbstractPitch is often described metaphorically: for example, Farsi and Turkish speakers use a 'thickness' metaphor (low sounds are 'thick' and high sounds are 'thin'), while German and English speakers use a height metaphor ('low', 'high'). This study examines how child and adult speakers of Farsi, Turkish, and German map pitch and thickness using a cross‐modal association task. All groups, except for German children, performed significantly better than chance. German‐speaking adults' success suggests the pitch‐to‐thickness association can be learned by experience. But the fact that German children were at chance indicates that this learning takes time. Intriguingly, Farsi and Turkish children's performance suggests that learning cross‐modal associations can be boosted through experience with consistent metaphorical mappings in the input language.
In: Developmental science, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 111-115
ISSN: 1467-7687
AbstractThe origin of color categories is under debate. Some researchers argue that color categories are linguistically constructed, while others claim they have a pre‐linguistic, and possibly even innate, basis. Although there is some evidence that 4–6‐month‐old infants respond categorically to color, these empirical results have been challenged in recent years. First, it has been claimed that previous demonstrations of color categories in infants may reflect color preferences instead. Second, and more seriously, other labs have reported failing to replicate the basic findings at all. In the current study we used eye‐tracking to test 8‐month‐old infants' categorical perception of a previously attested color boundary (green–blue) and an additional color boundary (blue–purple). Our results show that infants are faster and more accurate at fixating targets when they come from a different color category than when from the same category (even though the chromatic separation sizes were equated). This is the case for both blue–green and blue–purple. Our findings provide independent evidence for the existence of color categories in pre‐linguistic infants, and suggest that categorical perception of color can occur without color language.