Suchergebnisse

In January 2021, the Court of Justice of the European Union delivered a remarkable judgment regarding the rights of workers with disabilities. The case concerned a Polish employer who decided to grant a monthly allowance to workers with disabilities if such workers provided a disability certificate after a certain date. However, those workers who had submitted their certificates before the specified date, including VL, were not entitled to that allowance. As a result, VL brought an action against the employer before a Polish Court claiming that she had been discriminated against due to her disability. The aim of the following note is to raise awareness regarding some of the main points of the argumentative rhetoric of the Court of Justice.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar o cooperativismo rural a partir da década de 1970 reproduzido pela Organização das Cooperativas Brasileiras (OCB). Esse modelo cooperativista diverge em muito em sua origem e ideais originais, defendemos, portanto, a tese de que essa doutrina cooperativista foi crucial na construção da "nova" hegemonia ruralista (MENDONÇA, 2010). Através da análise de documentos oficiais da OCB e da bibliografia especializada sobre o tema tentaremos empreender um panorama da dimensão política do cooperativismo. Por fim, veremos como esse tipo de cooperativismo alinhou-se com a política de extensão rural realizada pela Empresa Brasileira de Assistência Técnica e Extensão Rural (EMBRATER) que configurava-se como uma das principais políticas agrícolas nessa quadra histórica.

O artigo examina, pontualmente, alguns desafios surgidos para o Direito Internacional Sanitário no contexto da pandemia de COVID-19. A partir da construção histórica de uma Governança Sanitária Global, o Direito Internacional transformou a Organização Mundial da Saúde (OMS) no ponto central de coordenação de estratégias de combate a pandemias. A organização, com status de agência especializada da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) é encarregada da difícil tarefa de atender aos anseios da sociedade internacional por uma resolução do problema. A tensão social e institucional resultou em um choque de visões acerca do poder normativo da OMS e de sua atuação durante a crise. Nesse contexto, o trabalho esclarece as espécies normativas produzidas pela OMS e demonstra o caráter não vinculante das recomendações temporárias, além de explicitar questões relativas à denúncia dos acordos constitutivos da organização e a seu financiamento, dentro de um quadro de ruptura com a regulação global sobre a matéria sanitária.

O presente artigo tem por objetivo examinar brevemente o rock neofascista brasileiro, existente desde os anos 1980, e as características de seus modelos existentes hoje. Pensaremos a historicidade de sua cena musical estabelecendo uma análise que verifique rupturas e permanências entre os fascismos brasileiros de hoje e suas versões clássicas, incluindo os exemplos europeus do século XX. Com isso, deveremos perceber como essa cena musical ou parte dela se constitui comportamentalmente, politicamente e como ela se relaciona com o contexto social no qual atua. Para tanto, utilizaremos como registro documental músicas de relevantes bandas pertencentes a essa cena.

The article examines the role played by the Portuguese oppositionist diaspora in the final years of theEstado Novodictatorship (c. 1968–c.1974). It advances an explanation for the apparent lack of success met by several exile groups when trying to persuade the Western democracies to withdraw (or at least reduce) their support for Lisbon's authoritarian regime during a period in which the public was increasingly aware of human rights abuses. The choice of this particular juncture is justified for several reasons. Firstly, it was a time of renewed expectations regarding a possible liberalisation of the regime in the aftermath of the replacement of the incapacitated Oliveira Salazar by the younger Marcelo Caetano (September 1968), an event that confronted the different sections of the Portuguese opposition with a number of dilemmas, both at home and abroad, and exposed rifts that would take some time to repair. Secondly, this was also an epoch of momentous social and cultural change in Europe, with obvious ramifications for the political orientations and attitudes of those who, for different reasons, had decided to leave Portugal in the 1960s. Finally, the vicissitudes of the East–West détente are seen here as equally important for understanding the opportunities and limitations of the anti-Estado Novoopposition abroad.

UID/HIS/04209/2013 ; The article examines the role played by the Portuguese oppositionist diaspora in the final years of the Estado Novo dictatorship (c. 1968-c.1974). It advances an explanation for the apparent lack of success met by several exile groups when trying to persuade the Western democracies to withdraw (or at least reduce) their support for Lisbon's authoritarian regime during a period in which the public was increasingly aware of human rights abuses. The choice of this particular juncture is justified for several reasons. Firstly, it was a time of renewed expectations regarding a possible liberalisation of the regime in the aftermath of the replacement of the incapacitated Oliveira Salazar by the younger Marcelo Caetano (September 1968), an event that confronted the different sections of the Portuguese opposition with a number of dilemmas, both at home and abroad, and exposed rifts that would take some time to repair. Secondly, this was also an epoch of momentous social and cultural change in Europe, with obvious ramifications for the political orientations and attitudes of those who, for different reasons, had decided to leave Portugal in the 1960s. Finally, the vicissitudes of the East-West détente are seen here as equally important for understanding the opportunities and limitations of the anti-Estado Novo opposition abroad. ; authorsversion ; published

UID/HIS/04209/2013 ; The dissolution of Portugal's African empire took place in the mid-1970s, a decade after the dismantling of similar imperial formations across Europe. Contrary to other European metropoles, Portuguese rulers were unwilling to meet the demands for self-determination in their dependencies, and thus mobilized considerable resources for a long, drawn-out conflict in Angola, Guinea, and Mozambique from 1961 to 1974. Several factors can explain Lisbon's refusal to come to terms with the "winds of change" that had swept Africa since the late 1950s, from the belief of its decision-makers that Portugal lacked the means to conduct a successful "exit strategy" (akin to the "neocolonial" approach followed by the British, the French, or the Belgians), to the dictatorial nature of Salazar's "New State," which prevented a free and open debate on the costs of upholding an empire against the anti-colonial consensus that had prevailed in the United Nations since the early 1960s. Taking advantage of its Cold War alliances (as well as secret pacts with Rhodesia and South Africa), Portugal was long able to accommodate the armed insurgencies that erupted in three of its colonies, thereby containing external pressures to decolonize. Through an approach that combined classic "divide and rule" tactics, schemes for population control, and developmental efforts, Portugal's African empire was able to soldier on for longer than many observers expected. But this uncompromising stance came with a price: the armed forces' dissatisfaction with a stalemate that had no end in sight. In April 1974, a military coup d'etat put an end to five decades of authoritarianism in the metropole and cleared the way for transfer of power arrangements in the five lusophone African territories. The outcome, though, would be an extremely disorderly transition, in which the political inexperience of the new elites in Lisbon, the die-hard attitude of groups of white settlers, the divisions among the African nationalists, and the meddling of foreign powers all played critical roles. ; publishersversion ; published