A nation of nonbelievers -- Classifying secularities -- A cultural view of secularities -- Historical foundations -- The great abdicating -- Nonreligious belief systems -- Ethnicity, assimilation, and secularity -- Gender and secularity -- Marriage, family, and social networks -- The (explicit) politics of secularity -- A secular, cosmical movement?
Theorized links between science and secularism are prevalent in classic sociological thought. More recently, scholars have critiqued these frameworks as oversimplified and empirically untenable. In response to such criticisms, contemporary researchers typically overlook or actively argue against links between science and secularism. This study analyzes data from a random, national survey of adults to examine the empirical connections between perceptions of science and secular identities in the United States. Analyses demonstrate that perceptions of science correlate strongly with American secularism, particularly among atheists and agnostics. Additionally, politicized views of science help account for the previously documented relationship between political and secular identities in the United States. A perspective drawing on the sociology of culture and perceived knowledge provides a more useful framework for understanding these patterns than theories of secularization.
Since the fatal coyote (Canis latrans) attack on a 3-year-old girl in Glendale, California in 1981, government agencies have emphasized developing coyote management programs to increase public safety. This presentation will focus on the success of numerous programs including: small neighborhoods, industrial sites, parks, large city and county-wide projects. Local environmental conditions attracting coyotes, specific problems caused by the coyotes, public reaction, and the role of public relations including public education emphasizing environmental management, will be discussed. Coyote population monitoring regarding behavior patterns, aversive conditioning, and coyote population reduction methods will be reviewed. Trapping remains the most effective tool in removing problem coyotes and re-instilling the fear of humans in most cases; however, calling and shooting by well trained personnel are also a very important tool and sometimes the only option. However, factors in the environment influenced by human behavior must be changed to prevent re-occurrences of urban coyote conflicts with humans and pets. Wildlife must always be considered to be wild, not cuddly friends!
Abstract Journalistic sources seem to suggest that there has been a resurgence of the American Religious Left (i.e., politically liberal Christians who support progressive agendas) in the wake of the strong support from the conservative Christian right in the 2016 presidential election of Donald J. Trump. Using quantitative analysis, we draw on survey data from the General Social Survey, the Public Religion Research Institute, and the National Congregations Study to assess the possibility of a resurgence among the Religious Left. In comparison with a speculated rise, our analysis indicates a notable decline in both the prevalence and engagement of Americans who self-identify as both religious and politically liberal. Not only is the constituency of the Religious Left shrinking, they have also been steadily disengaging from political activity in the last decade. Especially when looking at more recent elections, it has been those among the Secular Left who have been the most politically engaged. We summarize these empirical patterns in relation to the Religious Right and consider the potential for influence among the Religious Left aside from electoral politics. We also briefly consider other possibilities for their political impact and reflect on the inadequacy of the label "Religious Left" for capturing important dynamics. In the end, we urge greater attention to politics among sociologists of religion, providing a set of research questions to consider in light of the upcoming American 2020 national election.
Deviance Management examines how individuals and subcultures manage the stigma of being labeled socially deviant. Exploring high-tension religious groups, white power movements, paranormal subcultures, LGBTQ groups, drifters, recreational drug and alcohol users, and more, the authors identify how and when people combat, defy, hide from, or run from being stigmatized as "deviant." While most texts emphasize the criminological features of deviance, the authors' coverage here showcases the diversity of social and noncriminal deviance. Deviance Management allows for a more thorough understanding of strategies typically used by normalization movements to destigmatize behaviors and identities while contributing to the study of social movements and intra-movement conflict
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"Deviance Management examines how individuals and subcultural communities manage the stigma of being labeled as socially deviant across a wide range of cases studies, including LGBTQ individuals and groups, Bigfoot enthusiasts, social movements to reform laws prohibiting the consumption of alcohol and cannabis in United States, and the infamous Westboro Baptist Church. Drawing on original ethnographic, quantitative, and rhetorical research, Bader and Baker outline and test a simple yet insightful theory about how and when people combat, defy, hide from, or run from being stigmatized as 'deviant'"--Provided by publisher
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AbstractRecent research demonstrates strong connections between Americans' embrace of Christian nationalism and their beliefs and attitudes towards a host of salient social and cultural issues. Implicit in these explanations is that a stronger embrace of Christian nationalism signals an underlying fear of changes to the broader culture, which are perceived as leading the nation further away from a preferred, mythic past. To date, however, empirical studies have not focused explicitly on the relationship between social fears and Christian nationalism. Using a nationally representative sample of American adults, we examine the relationship between Christian nationalism and Americans' fears about immigrants, Muslims, communism, white racial replacement and gun control. We find that Christian nationalism is strongly associated with fears about ethnoracial 'others', as well as fears about losing economic autonomy and access to guns. Overall, our study shows that contemporary Christian nationalism in the United States is situated in a constellation of social fears about ethnoracial purity, as well as about the perceived loss of individual autonomy.