Suchergebnisse

Examines how a perspective based on Jurgen Habermas's discourse theory of law & democracy might be employed to analyze the ongoing national conflict regarding the constitutional status of Northern Ireland, as well a key features of the peace process, focusing on how both sides might be accommodated & political reconciliation achieved. Ways that traditional political theories handle the issue of incommensurability & the possibility of resolving conflicts of identity through the public use of reason are examined, comparing "proceduralists in pursuit of rational outcomes" (PIPRO) with those who advocate "taking incommensurability as a given" (TIAG). Questions of democratic legitimacy & the justification of particular legal rights inherent in the political conflict of identity in Northern Ireland are analyzed in discourse theoretical terms, & larger issues concerning the role of political institutions in such discourse are considered. K. Hyatt Stewart

My critical assessment of competing views on the marching controversy at Drumcree is found wanting by Glen Newey for at least three reasons. The Habermasian approach I adopt is alleged to be motivationally deficient, politically ineffectual and blind to its own decisionistic partiality. Here I indicate that the force of Newey's critique is neutralised once one attends to the important differences between Habermas' moral theory and his discourse theory of law and democracy. I argue, furthermore, that Newey's critique is insufficiently attuned to the institutional context of my argument, and that his line of reasoning has troubling political implications.

My critical assessment (2000) of competing views on the marching controversy at Drumcree is found wanting by Glen Newey (2002) for at least three reasons. The Habermasian approach I adopt is alleged to be motivationally deficient, politically ineffectual, & blind to its own decisionistic partiality. Here, I indicate that the force of Newey's critique is neutralized once one attends to the important differences between Habermas's moral theory & his discourse theory of law & democracy. I argue, furthermore, that Newey's critique is insufficiently attuned to the institutional context of my argument, & that his line of reasoning has troubling political implications. 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article offers a critical assessment of Jürgen Habermas's discourse theory of democracy. It suggests that the main thrust of a discursive account of legitimacy is the attempt to show how the demands of maximal democratic inclusion might be reconciled with a politics of reasoned agreements. While this aim is endorsed, the thrust of the argument is that a critical theory of democracy requires that normative frameworks that bring certain substantive features of democratic life into focus should supplement Habermas's procedural approach. First, the account of maximal inclusion has to be developed in a way that clarifies the egalitarian demands of distributive justice. Secondly, the account of a politics of reasoned agreements has to be connected to a theoretical analysis of the bonds of solidarity that could underpin such a form of political engagement. These developments contribute to a critical theory that gives a more adequate account of the motivational basis of discursive democracy.

This article offers a critical assessment of Jurgen Habermas's discourse theory of democracy. It suggests that the main thrust of a discursive account of legitimacy is the attempt to show how the demands of maximal democratic inclusion might be reconciled with a politics of reasoned agreements. While this aim is endorsed, the thrust of the argument is that a critical theory of democracy requires that normative frameworks that bring certain substantive features of democratic life into focus should supplement Habermas's procedural approach. First, the account of maximal inclusion has to be developed in a way that clarifies the egalitarian demands of distributive justice. Secondly, the account of a politics of reasoned agreements has to be connected to a theoretical analysis of the bonds of solidarity that could underpin such a form of political engagement. These developments contribute to a critical theory that gives a more adequate account of the motivational basis of discursive democracy. 37 References. Adapted from the source document.