Suchergebnisse

The conflict between Prime Minister Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party and opposition leader Sam Rainsy's Cambodian National Rescue Party continued throughout 2016, with Rainsy remaining in self-imposed exile in France and the government making numerous arrests of opponents who remained in Cambodia. With the 2018 National Assembly elections on the horizon, Hun Sen appeared to be cracking down on and dividing the opposition in an effort to prevent a repeat of the strong CNRP electoral performance in 2013.

The political compromise and cooperation established in 2014 between Prime Minister Hun Sen's long-ruling Cambodian People's Party and opposition leader Sam Rainsy's Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) continued into 2015, highlighted by electoral reforms in March. However, by mid-year, CNRP criticism of Hun Sen led to a crackdown and the self-imposed exile of Rainsy and other high-ranking members of the opposition.

Kazakhstan lacks the democratic institutions that have been shown to protect foreign investors (Jensen, 2008; Li & Resnick, 2003). Nevertheless, as latecomers to globalization, China's resource-seeking state-owned enterprises (SOEs) must go, not only where resources are, but also where they are available. These are often less than ideal investment environments, such as Kazakhstan, where they are confronted by high corruption, weak rule of law, and political risk. Focusing on investments by the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), this study analyzes how Chinese foreign economic policies, such as aid and loans, assist Chinese SOEs in securing protection for their investments. They do so by making key members of the Kazakh government stakeholders in the success of the investments. In addition, the study details how Chinese government strategy has evolved from one of simply buying off key members of the Kazakh government in order to gain approval for investments to one of making institutions in the Kazakh state, such as KazMunaiGas, stakeholders in the long-term success of the investment in order to secure protection for investments in a climate of political uncertainty.

The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in Taiwan increased its vote share in each legislative election from 2001 to 2008. Nevertheless, the 2004 and 2008 elections were widely viewed as major defeats for the party. Through an analysis of the DPP's performance in these elections, this article considers the effects of electoral rules on election outcomes and the perception of those outcomes. In Taiwan, under both the previous single non-transferable vote (SNTV) and the current mixed member majoritarian (MMM) systems, the mechanical effect of how electoral rules translate votes into seats and the psychological impact this has on voter and party behavior have influenced party electoral performance, and the perception of it, by causing vote and seat shares to diverge. In addition, this article analyzes whether recent redistricting in Taiwan structurally disadvantages the DPP.

Since becoming an independent country in 1991, Kazakhstan has demonstrated a strong desire for international status and recognition by, for example, hosting numerous international events, such as chairing the OSCE and hosting EXPO 2017; creating the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia; and, most notably, presenting the abandonment of its nuclear weapons as a model for other states to emulate. Surprisingly, Kazakhstan has received scant attention by scholars regarding its desire for status, especially considering how the government has framed its decision to relinquish its nuclear weapons in terms of advancing international peace at the expense of its own security self-interest. Kazakhstan's status-seeking raises two questions. First, how can a mid-level power strategically frame its foreign and domestic policies in order to improve its global status? And second, how can it improve its international status when domestic priorities (such as economic development and political stability) lead to policies that meet disapproval abroad? In this article, we answer these questions by examining issue areas (security, democratization, and the environment) that contain variation in our dependent variable, Kazakhstan's quest for status. In doing so, we reveal patterns of how a secondary or mid-level state lacking substantial material capabilities can, through its words and actions, construct an image that may enhance its international status. We also show variation by issue area in the reception of these efforts by developed and developing countries. Lastly, we reveal in what issue areas Kazakhstan's desire for status internationally is constrained by the government's desire to maintain power domestically.

This book's expert authors address this pressing question in multiple contexts. What clues to the future lie in the modern history of Sino-Southeast Asian relations? How economically dependent on China has the region already become? What do Southeast Asians think of China? Does Beijing view the region in proprietary terms as its own backyard? How has the relative absence, distance, and indifference of the United States affected the balance of influence between the US and China in Southeast Asia? The book also explores China's moves and Southeast Asia's responses to them. Does China's Maritime Silk Road through Southeast Asia herald a Pax Sinica across the region? How should China's expansionary acts in the South China Sea be understood? How have Southeast Asian states such as Vietnam and the Philippines responded? How does Singapore's China strategy compare with Indonesia's? How relevant is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations? To what extent has China tried to persuade the "overseas Chinese" in Southeast Asia to identify with "the motherland" and support its aims? How are China's deep involvements in Cambodia and Laos affecting the economies and policies of those countries?