Suchergebnisse

Two factors have boosted the debate on Basic Income (BI) in Spain in recent years: on the one hand, the combination of welfare budget cuts and growing poverty rates has spread claims for a radical reform of Spanish welfare policies; on the other hand, the emergence of Podemos as a new key actor in the Spanish political arena has generated a vivid discussion on BI and income guarantee proposals. By reviewing the political debates on these proposals, I will argue that economic feasibility concerns and implementation problems are closely related to their political feasibility. Significantly, the radical rejection of 'means-testing' by BI defenders fails to grasp the different types and degrees of conditions that an income guarantee system may establish. The main lesson from the Spanish experience is that BI supporters should be ready to compromise and accept generous means-tested guaranteed income programs as stepping-stones.

Résumé Les débats actuels autour du concept de travail n'énoncent pas toujours clairement certains des points essentiels qui le caractérisent dans la tradition de la théorie sociale critique initiée par Marx. Celle-ci a souvent mis en évidence les relations entre le travail et l'émancipation. L'article propose trois axes conceptuels complémentaires à l'axe traditionnel « valorisation versus dépréciation » du travail : concept étendu de travail versus concept réduit, productivisme versus antiproductivisme, et centralité normative versus non-centralité du travail. À partir de ces éléments, l'article procède à la critique de certains lieux communs sur le concept de travail chez Marx, et énumère les différents chemins conceptuels empruntés par les traditions marxistes postérieures. L'objectif de ce texte est ainsi de proposer une analyse critique du concept de travail chez Habermas.

Résumé Les débats actuels autour du concept de travail n'énoncent pas toujours clairement certains des points essentiels qui le caractérisent dans la tradition de la théorie sociale critique initiée par Marx. Celle-ci a souvent mis en évidence les relations entre le travail et l'émancipation. L'article propose trois axes conceptuels complémentaires à l'axe traditionnel « valorisation versus dépréciation » du travail : concept étendu de travail versus concept réduit, productivisme versus anti-productivisme, et centralité normative versus non-centralité du travail. À partir de ces éléments, l'article procède à la critique de certains lieux communs sur le concept de travail chez Marx, et énumère les différents chemins conceptuels empruntés par les traditions marxistes postérieures. L'objectif de ce texte est ainsi de proposer une analyse critique du concept de travail chez Habermas.

This paper presents the results of an archaeometric analysis of pre-Roman and Roman ceramics from the Vaccean Iron Age hillfort of Pintia (Valladolid, Spain). The study assesses degrees of romanization and hybridization by investigating changes in local ceramic production and the dissemination of new technologies with the arrival of Roman rule. Thin-section petrography, XRD, and geochemical analyses (using XRF) have been utilised on a selection of pre- and post-conquest vessels from habitation contexts. This work goes beyond traditional typological analyses to shed light on the resilience of 'Second Iron Age' communities, who's ceramic traditions largely persist into Roman times, albeit with some changes, like shifts in the preferences and location of raw materials. ; Spanish Government FPU15/00897 ; Centro de Estudios Vacceos Federico Wattenberg (CEVFW) of the University of Valladolid ; Universidad de Granada/CBUA University of Granada

AbstractThis paper develops a model to investigate the welfare implications of barter in Russia and other transition economies during the 1990s. We argue that barter is a welfare‐improving phenomenon that acts as a defence mechanism against monetary instability. When firms react to tighter credit markets by switching to barter, the risk they face diminishes, allowing for a higher level of production.

En este artículo se discute la idea de una sociología o ciencia social "crítica" y se sostiene la tesis de que las relaciones entre hechos y valores en las ciencias sociales se han planteado habitualmente de modo unidireccional, focalizando la atención en cómo los valores pueden influir en la investigación sobre los hechos sociales, más que en cómo esta última puede informar e influir sobre nuestras valoraciones y preferencias éticas y políticas. A partir de una clarificación de en qué podría consistir una "ciencia social crítica", se plantean objeciones a algunas de las defensas contemporáneas de esta tesis, como las de Habermas, Putnam, Burawoy o Wright. Se argumenta por qué dichas objeciones arrojan dudas sobre la posibilidad y la deseabilidad de cualquier proyecto de "ciencia social crítica", entendido como alternativo a la ciencia social "convencional", y se sostiene que, en su lugar, una mayor atención a los posibles usos normativos de la ciencia social tout court puede satisfacer los objetivos de ese proyecto sin comprometer principios fundamentales de honestidad, fiabilidad e imparcialidad epistémica.

Models of social influence have explored the dynamics of social contagion, imitation, and diffusion of different types of traits, opinions, and conducts. However, few behavioral data indicating social influence dynamics have been obtained from direct observation in "natural" social contexts. The present research provides that kind of evidence in the case of the public expression of political preferences in the city of Barcelona, where thousands of citizens supporting the secession of Catalonia from Spain have placed a Catalan flag in their balconies and windows. Here we present two different studies. 1) During July 2013 we registered the number of flags in 26% of the electoral districts in the city of Barcelona. We find that there is a large dispersion in the density of flags in districts with similar density of pro-independence voters. However, by comparing the moving average to the global mean we find that the density of flags tends to be fostered in electoral districts where there is a clear majority of pro-independence vote, while it is inhibited in the opposite cases. We also show that the distribution of flags in the observed districts deviates significantly from that of an equivalent random distribution. 2) During 17 days around Catalonia's 2013 national holiday we observed the position at balcony resolution of the flags displayed in the facades of a sub-sample of 82 blocks. We compare the 'clustering index' of flags on the facades observed each day to thousands of equivalent random distributions. Again we provide evidence that successive hangings of flags are not independent events but that a local influence mechanism is favoring their clustering. We also find that except for the national holiday day the density of flags tends to be fostered in facades located in electoral districts where there is a clear majority of pro-independence vote.