Suchergebnisse

In the early 21st century, the rise of left-wing administrations in South America bolstered regional frameworks. The proposal to establish a new regional financial architecture materialized as the Bank of the South, formalizing its Constitutive Treaty in 2009. Despite this, the Bank remains uncapitalized. This study examines its rise and decline, addressing factors behind its establishment; the impact of divergent regional approaches by Brazil, Argentina, and Venezuela, and the reasons for its decline in the second decade of the 21st century. The research attributes the Bank's demise not only to the crisis in post-neoliberal regionalism but also to internal disagreements among proponents. Drawing on a thorough literature review, primary source analysis from the Bank, and insights from policymakers' memoirs, this research provides a nuanced understanding of the Bank of the South's trajectory.

The emergence of Marxist dependency theory (MDT) in Latin America during the 1960s questioned the developmentalist doctrines of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the class alliance strategies of communist parties. MDT gained traction during the Cold War in the 1970s and 1980s and saw a new cycle of ascension in the early 21st century with the rise of progressive governments during Latin America's Pink Tide. While some MDT scholars identify with Marxism-Leninism, this article critically examines aspects of this claimed affinity. The hypothesis posits that MDT's assertions diverge from fundamental Leninist concepts and the theoretical traditions of Marxist-Leninist parties, instead reviving in new forms the arguments of their opponents in classical Marxist debates. The analysis focuses on two key dimensions of MDT arguments: (1) political propositions concerning the two-stage theory and alliances with bourgeois sectors by proletarian parties and (2) theoretical propositions on superexploitation of labor and subimperialism.

Paulo Afonso B. Duarte, Francisco José B. S. Leandro and Enrique Martínez Galán (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of Globalization with Chinese Characteristics: The Case of the Belt and Road Initiative (New York: Springer, 2023), pp., 791, USD 249.99, ISBN: 978-981-19-6699-6. (Hardcover Book).

Abstract In the first decade of the 21st century, South America's political landscape was marked by the rise of genuinely multilateral groups from the region that were organised on the margins of the OAS (Organization of American States), such as CASA (South American Community of Nations) and UNASUR (Union of South American Nations). Although this process has been widely portrayed in the literature on politics and regional integration, less attention has been paid to the differences between the protagonists of these arrangements. The present article's main point is that Brazil and Venezuela played a leading role in that mobilization process, respectively under the administrations of Lula and Chávez. It argues that, despite ideological convergences and occasional alliances, there was a clash observed between the two leaders that entailed different conceptions of regional projects which polarised South American politics at the time.

O artigo a visa analisar o conceito de subimperialismo, inerente à Teoria Marxista da Dependência (TMD),verificando sua formulação, aplicação e validade para caracterizar a dimensão sul-americana da política externa brasileira ao longo dos governos Lula (2003-2010). A hipótese do trabalho é de que o conceito apresenta limitações para definir a inserção internacional brasileira, reproduzindo visões que contraditoriamente afirma desafiar. Na primeira seção, será apresentado um resgate teórico da formulação do conceito de subimperialismo. Em seguida, serão expostas as principais críticas à política externa brasileira embasadas no conceito de subimperialismo. Por fim, essas críticas serão contrapostas às proposições da política externa brasileira com relação às temáticas da integração regional e das relações bilaterais com países sul-americanos.

Resenha de: SINGER, André. O lulismo em crise: um quebra-cabeça do período Dilma (2011-2016). São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2018.

A Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), também chamada de Nova Rota da Seda, representa uma importante etapa do projeto chinês de globalização e possui, portanto, evidentes implicações para os alinhamentos político-estratégicos globais e regionais. Assim, ao mesmo tempo em que produz oportunidades, também faz ascenderem contradições e rivalidades. Diante desse quadro, pretendemos analisar como a Nova Rota da Seda, em especial sua dimensão marítima no Oceano Índico, conformando o chamado colar de pérolas, afeta o padrão de relacionamento sino-indiano. Visando abordar essa complexa temática, o artigo está estruturado em três etapas. Na primeira seção, exporemos breve recapitulação das distintas dimensões de implementação da BRI. Na segunda parte, abordaremos os principais desafios concernentes à conformação do colar de pérolas. Por fim, analisaremos como o conjunto desses fatores impactam as relações sino-indianas.Palavras-chave: China; Nova Rota da Seda; Colar de pérolas.ABSTRACTThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), also called the New Silk Road, represents an important stage of the Chinese globalization project and therefore has clear implications for global and regional political-strategic alignments. Thus, while producing opportunities, it also raises contradictions and rivalries. In this scenario, we intend to analyze how the New Silk Road, especially its maritime dimension in the Indian Ocean, forming the so-called string of pearls, affects the Sino-Indian relationship pattern. The article is structured in three stages. In the first section, we will present a brief summary of the different dimensions of the Belt and Road Initiative. In the second part, we will discuss the main challenges concerning the string of pearls. Finally, we will analyze how these factors impact Sino-Indian relations.Keywords: China; New Silk Road; String of pearls. Recebido em 30 abr. 2020 | Aceito em 19 out. 2020.