Suchergebnisse

The aim of this article is to introduce briefly some of the more prominent aspects of these complex questions regarding the interplay of art and politics in the context of the South African literary discourse in the early 1980s. I explore South African resistance literature, and more particularly André Brink's ideas, and his commitment to political struggle vis-à-vis Jean-Paul Sartre's notion of politically committed art. I read Coetzee's challenge to resistance literature as a response with striking similarities to Theodor Adorno's criticism of committed art, which Adorno leveled at Sartre in his two-part essay "On Commitment." As both Coetzee and Adorno demonstrate, committed art remains close to the power it criticizes, and does not break free from it. Coetzee maintains that it is the constant task of the writer to resist the binaristic logic of the state by avoiding the lure of self-deception and maintaining an awareness that he, too, is implicated by state violence.

This article focuses on Tsitsi Dangarembga's novel This Mournable Body (2018), which completes her trilogy on Tambudzai Sigauke's life story in relation to the neoliberal political order in contemporary Zimbabwe. The country has been recently referred to as cultivating ultra-neoliberal policies, and, in such a framework, state repression becomes replaced by state negligence towards citizens' economic survival. In This Mournable Body, neoliberalism and the uneven accumulation of wealth are portrayed through the tourism industry. The novel shows deepening forms of injustice and economic discrepancies in neoliberal Zimbabwe, where impoverished groups of people, living in the cities as well as outside them, are compelled to commodify their lives for the needs of the tourism industry in order to get by. In the novel, Tambudzai emerges as an egoistic character, as she epitomises a new type of neoliberal citizen–subject who is ready to maximise her own benefits at the expense of others and whose ambitions remain only in her own career. I analyse her character with regard to the so-called sell-out mentality; however, Dangarembga depicts Tambudzai's unpatriotic behaviour as a defence mechanism, which finally gives way to full mourning at the end of the novel. Dangarembga's critical characterisation of the neoliberal forms of capitalism is juxtaposed with her representation of an alternative unhu/ubuntu business model at the end of the novel. However, even if Dangarembga proposes unhu/ubuntu business as a Zimbabwean form of balanced capitalist enterprise, I argue that neoliberal markets are taking advantage of these African forms of capitalism as well. The romanticised ending of the novel slightly undermines its otherwise astute illustration of uneven development in neoliberal Zimbabwe, which contributes to rural and urban poverty, communal rupture and drastic forms of citizen competition.

Accepted manuscript version. Published version available in South African Journal of Philosophy, 2017;36(2):223-238 ; Hannah Arendt's writings concerning individual responsibility create an important – and under-examined – context for reading J. M. Coetzee's oeuvre, particularly his novel Waiting for the Barbarians. For Arendt, when a society fails to offer ethical codes of conduct to follow, people should determine those codes by themselves, since morality concerns people in their individuality during totalitarian times. Arendt's ideas bear important similarities to Coetzee's representation of the magistrate in the novel, as this character struggles to live with his conscience in a totalitarian regime. In Arendt's world, introspection is only needed when the world around us fails to guarantee moral laws, and even then one should not focus on oneself only, but instead try to focus on the world around us. Coetzee, however, shows through the character of the magistrate how this internal dialogue easily becomes torturous in its nature. If political action is the most important aspect of Arendt's thinking, then Coetzee shows through the character of the magistrate how modern, conscientious humans cannot just act politically; instead, their action is always marked by their personal weaknesses, including their feelings of inadequacy. Nevertheless, even if Arendt emphasises political action more than Coetzee, who shows that such action is necessarily marked by individual doubt, self-questioning and other personal inadequacies, the reliance on radical thinking, which is at odds with conformism, is a concern they share.

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Postcolonial Studies on 13 August 2017, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/13688790.2017.1363782 . ; This article focuses on Ayi Kwei Armah's The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born (1968), which portrays a nameless protagonist who clings to his own ethics as he resists corruption in Kwame Nkrumah's Ghana in the 1960s, an instance of what Achille Mbembe has called the postcolony. This situation bears comparison with Hannah Arendt's political philosophy, which emphasises individual responsibility in political situations in which common democratic norms no longer apply. Based on Arendt's insights, I claim that the ethical choices of Armah's nameless individual suggest a way towards a better communal future. This article further suggests that Arendt's political philosophy – read in critical dialogue with theorisations of the African postcolony – can offer valuable analytical approaches to discussions of moral decay in postcolonial Africa.