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Theory of the gimmick -- Transparency and magic in the gimmick as technique -- Readymade ideas -- It follows, or financial imps -- Visceral abstractions -- Rødland's gimmick -- The color of value: Stan Douglas's Suspiria -- Henry James's "same secret principle".

Although Indigenous peoples' organisations (IPOs) are positioned to make vital contributions to the social and community development of Indigenous peoples (IPs), the development-studies literature offers limited research about IPOs' approaches and unique contributions to development as defined by IPs. This article explores the roles of IPOs in social and community development involving Indigenous populations in Cambodia. This case study of six IPOs, involving 46 semi-structured interviews and four focus group discussions, captures leadership perspectives on desired development for Indigenous communities and the ways in which IPOs can contribute to achieving community goals. The analysis shows common goals and strategies and the gaps to be addressed by the IPOs. The study argues that Cambodian IPOs complement one another in advancing local development and raising Indigenous voices at the national level. However, the civic space for bringing about sustainable social change is shrinking. Similar Indigenous contexts in other countries may find the analysis useful.

The global media and marketing phenomenon of Lolita fashions has charmed many with their kawaii (cute) aesthetics. This study argues that the kawaii aesthetics not only allows one to perform non-conforming femininity playfully, as previous studies have suggested, but it also embodies racial and national ideologies. This study uses an intersectional, transnational approach to investigate the retail catalogs of Lolita brands and fan publications. Findings reveal that Lolita marketing in Japan artfully appropriates whiteness through the kawaii aesthetics, which renders whiteness/Westernness less threatening and covers up Japan's ambition to surpass the West with a spectacular and innocent mask. When kawaii aesthetics is repackaged for the Western market, the over-representation of whiteness is replaced by a fantasy of cross-racial sisterhood, subtly celebrating the superiority of the East Asian race. I call for an awareness of the appropriation of whiteness outside the United States and an intersectional reading of 'postfeminist' glamor.

Derived from post-industrial society experiences, current social theorists often argue that the working class no longer plays an active role in transforming society, thereby making the issue of working-class solidarity obsolete. This paper critically revisits Marx's theories on solidarity and re-engages the debates by intersecting macro structural analysis with micro-foundation of working-class solidarity. The article formulates the concept of working-class solidarity in two layers of analysis: the first is a macro structural approach driven by class conflict, social grievance, and economic crisis directly connected to the social transformation of the neoliberal market economy; and the second looks at micro process of cooperation and mutual support at the level of everyday practice, that is, a collective-emotional environment that creates agency and a soft solidarity base for building bonds among working-class youth. The logic of solidarity is rescued through a multiplicity of working-class youth's behaviors discovered in school and the workplace.

The Shenzhen Jasic struggle of 2018-2019 signals a turning point in migrant labor struggles in China since the mid-1990s, and it explicitly demonstrates a shift toward left politics, departing from a civil society framework which barely analyzes ideology and class politics, thus showing little potential to overcome class inequality. The Jasic struggle's key characteristic of student-worker unity compels us to revisit Marxism and Maoism in understanding today's emancipatory politics and labor movements. This revisiting of Marxist Maoism is attempted on three layers: a return to class politics; a return to communism; and a return to Mao's mass line. These three "returns" are not retrospective politics romanticizing the past. Instead, they draw upon historical experiences, cultural resources and communist legacies to fight for a more egalitarian society in the future. ; El conflicto en la empresa Jasic, en Shenzhen, durante 2018-2019, marca un punto de inflexión en las luchas de los trabajadores migrantes en China sucedidas desde mediados de los años noventa del siglo pasado, y evidencia de forma explícita un desplazamiento hacia la izquierda política, así como un apartamiento de una sociedad civil donde apenas se analiza la ideología y la política de clase, una sociedad pues con un potencial insuficiente para superar la desigualdad de clase. La lucha en Jasic, con ese rasgo clave de la unión entre estudiantes y trabajadores, nos insta a revisitar el marxismo y el maoísmo, en aras de entender las políticas emancipadoras y los movimientos obreros en la actualidad. Esta vuelta al maoísmo marxista se acomete en tres niveles: un retorno a la política de clase; un retorno al comunismo; y un retorno a la Línea de Masas. Estos tres «retornos» no representan una retrospectiva romántica de las políticas del pasado. En lugar de eso, toman de las experiencias históricas, de los recursos culturales y de los legados comunistas para luchar en favor de una sociedad más igualitaria en el futuro.

This study combines content analysis and critical discourse analysis to examine how the media representation of politicians is shaped by their gender, political identities, political leanings of the press, and journalism genres, with a sample of 946 news articles during the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong. Results show that women legislators in Hong Kong are more visible in softer journalism than hard news. Under authoritarianism, women politicians with liberal, prodemocracy agendas are particularly vulnerable to what Gaye Tuchman terms the "symbolic annihilation" by the media. Although celebrity journalism tends to portray more women politicians over men regardless of their political leanings, it often stresses women's gender over their profession. This study brings in an intersectional, cultural studies approach to research on gender and news.