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Inequalities of wealth and income have a significant impact for the achievement of economic, political and human development in developing counties. This book argues that a high level of economic inequality undermines a country's growth potential, retards the development of social capital, and encourages corruption.

Observers have noted that New Zealanders are less inequality averse and less in favour of redistribution than one would expect given actual levels of income and wealth inequality in the country. Attempted explanations have been unsatisfying, partly because of a lack of an explicit comparative focus. This paper uses four waves of the World Value Survey (2000-2020) and compares New Zealand views with those of respondents in 18 other high-income OECD states. New Zealanders across the board are indeed outliers, but this is explained by the extensive experience of intergenerational educational mobility of successive NZ cohorts. New Zealanders also believe that their society is characterised by a large degree of equality of opportunity and this overrides any concern that they might have about inequality of outcomes. While there may also be other ideational and institutional factors to consider, a series of hierarchical binomial logit regressions confirm that experiences and perceptions of upward mobility must be part of any explanation of New Zealand idiosyncrasies.

In The Avant-Garde and American Postmodernity: Small Incisive Shocks (2002), I took for granted that an avant-garde for children was both possible and critically viable. More recently (in "Surrealism for Children: Paradoxes and Possibilities," 2015), I questioned what I had taken for granted. In this manifesto, I veer further away from the notion that there is a usefully definable radical aesthetic for children's literature – and yet also argue for that very thing whose formal features resist codifying. This is both a manifesto for radical children's literature and a record of my failure to locate a politically radical aesthetic. Taking (mostly contemporary) picture books as its primary focus, this paper considers the wide range of aesthetic choices that can be directed toward radical ends. Arguing for radical children's literature but refusing to codify its aesthetics may seem paradoxical. But I encourage us to embrace this very paradox, to resist enshrining radicalness within a set of aesthetic principles, so that we may instead be agile improvisers, unleashing the power of our fugitive imaginations, as we advocate for books that inspire the next generation to build a more just world.

AbstractRegional powers of the Global South are perceived to be agents of change. But what exactly is the nature of the change that they want? This article argues that there is some continuity between the goals of the current generation of regional leaders and that of their predecessors. The current generation tend to have more confidence in their ability to effect the redistribution of wealth, prestige, and power in the global political economy, though, and tend therefore to be more integrationist than the first generation of post-colonial leaders. The goal of redistribution is premised on a more fundamental unfinished struggle of developing countries, one that Brazil, India, and South Africa in particular have taken up. This is the struggle for recognition of developing countries as full and equal partners in the society of states, but also as states with specific development needs that are too easily ploughed-under in the spurious universality promoted by the developed North. The struggle for recognition focuses on inclusive multilateralism and 'non-indifference' towards the development needs of the Global South. Using recent contributions to the theory of recognition, the article interprets these two goals as linked to the unfinished struggle against disrespect and humiliation.