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Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a rapidly increasing area of study used by Applied Linguists to examine discourse, that is spoken or written communication, found in areas such as education, media and politics. CDA studies focus on the relationship between society and discourse and how the use of language reinforces already established societal roles. This paper focused on a vintage American Airlines advertisement of 1968 which is a classic example of utilitarian advertising that purported a false reality of air travel in the late 20th century. Using the three-dimensional CDA framework designed by Fairclough (1989) the results showed a manipulation of gender roles by the advertisers intended to appeal to the male dominated passengers of the airline. Primarily, the alignment of air hostess with that of a mother. The maternalisation of this profession reflected the advertisers' views of the time and in a wider societal perspective, power inequalities between men and women.

Norway's policy on its indigenous Sámi minority is oftentimes heralded as best practice in fostering self-determination and home language maintenance. Norway's policy rhetoric indeed promises that all Sámi have a right to develop their home language, and that all Norwegian children will become familiar with Sámi languages and culture. However, this paper takes a more critical perspective of Norway's policy. It argues that rhetoric has not been operationalised to benefit all Sámi nor promote Norwegian familiarity with the languages. Instead, the state appears to juggle its legislative obligations to promote the Sámi languages with an ongoing ideology in the community that the Sámi languages cannot be seen as contributing to the contemporary Norwegian nation. To make this argument, the paper firstly reviews the state's Sámi language policy to discuss fractures between rhetoric and policy. It then reports the findings of a case study whereby public online debates over the past five years about the Sámi languages in a national context were critically analysed. The case study indeed reveals a vigorous preference to hold the Sámi languages at arm's length, for reasons such as that the languages endanger Norwegian identity, that the Sámi do not deserve an indigenous status, that the Sámi are foreign to Norway and, conversely, that the Sámi do not fulfil their responsibilities as Norwegian citizens. The paper concludes that a potent Norwegian ideology against the Sámi languages may explain the state's reluctance to implement its high-level policy promises.

Norway's policy on its indigenous Sámi minority is oftentimes heralded as best practice in fostering self-determination and home language maintenance. Norway's policy rhetoric indeed promises that all Sámi have a right to develop their home language, and that all Norwegian children will become familiar with Sámi languages and culture. However, this paper takes a more critical perspective of Norway's policy. It argues that rhetoric has not been operationalised to benefit all Sámi nor promote Norwegian familiarity with the languages. Instead, the state appears to juggle its legislative obligations to promote the Sámi languages with an ongoing ideology in the community that the Sámi languages cannot be seen as contributing to the contemporary Norwegian nation. To make this argument, the paper firstly reviews the state's Sámi language policy to discuss fractures between rhetoric and policy. It then reports the findings of a case study whereby public online debates over the past five years about the Sámi languages in a national context were critically analysed. The case study indeed reveals a vigorous preference to hold the Sámi languages at arm's length, for reasons such as that the languages endanger Norwegian identity, that the Sámi do not deserve an indigenous status, that the Sámi are foreign to Norway and, conversely, that the Sámi do not fulfil their responsibilities as Norwegian citizens. The paper concludes that a potent Norwegian ideology against the Sámi languages may explain the state's reluctance to implement its high-level policy promises.

Every year in Kenya, more than 100,000 children under the age of five die. 90 percent of these deaths can be avoided via the administration of basic essential medicines. Diarrhea is one illness that is easily and cheaply treated, yet more than 5,400 Kenyan children die from it every year. Proper use of oral rehydration solution (ORS) prevents mortality in 93 percent of diarrheal cases, and the average daily dose costs only 15 US cents. Children are dying because they are not receiving this effective and affordable treatment. The main claim of this dissertation is that low uptake of ORS in Kenya is a problem of supply not demand. Contrary to previous scholarship, I will show that Kenyans demand ORS and administer it to their children when it is available. However, ORS is frequently out of stock in local dispensaries. Using data from an independent audit, I show that 40 percent of Ministry of Health dispensaries in western Kenya have zero ORS in stock. I offer suggestive evidence of what is causing this lack of supply: politicians in Kenya are more incentivized to provide highly visible projects rather than high-impact, low-cost solutions.

Abstract
Both the Cyrillic and Latin scripts are routinely used for writing in Serbian. In existing ideological discourses, using Cyrillic is associated by some with Serbian ethnic authenticity and loyalty to nationhood, but by others with conservatism, Russian-leaning politics and dangerous ethnonationalism. For some, using Latin is associated with cosmopolitanism and a western-leaning internationalisation, but for others with an assault on Serbian heritage, values and tradition. In this context, with which script do Serbians today most closely affiliate and does established ideological discourse actually inform script choices? By seeing this affiliation as linguistic citizenship, the paper analyses survey data and metalinguistic explanations about which script Serbians choose to represent their own names as the most personal of identities. The data show that while some simply write their name in either script depending on habit, younger Serbians, and Serbians outside metropolitan areas, seemingly bias Cyrillic for ethnonationalist reasons as discourse predicts. However, especially revealing is that linguistic citizenship among older Serbians is sooner mediated by lingering notions of Yugoslavia and Serbo-Croatian as country and language that no longer exist but once indexed ideals of equality and harmony in the region.

Abstract
Linguistic purism can play an especially political role in legitimising and authenticating indigenous identities. For languages now undergoing revitalisation after histories of colonial conquest, purism that precludes foreign influences in language corpora and behaviour can be seen as reversing the impacts of language contact and reasserting indigeneity. This is indeed the case for te reo Māori, the indigenous language of New Zealand, that was suppressed and essentially outlawed by the British but is now undergoing revitalisation. How indigenous New Zealanders feel about such purism, however, has been subject to minimal inquiry. This article analyses the attitudes of around 200 Māori youth, solicited through an online survey, to purism in Māori vocabulary development and to a recurring purist discourse, commonly reproduced by indigenous elders, that criticises errors when speaking te reo Māori. The article reveals a tension between supporting purism for the linguistic self-determination of the indigenous collective, and rejecting purism on the basis this inhibits the linguistic emancipation of individuals. On balance, it appears these Māori youth may hold significantly less purist attitudes than current language policy and locally pervasive ideology.

BACKGROUND: Disabled People's Organisations (DPOs) are the mainstay of disability responses worldwide. Yet there is no quantitative data assessing their effectiveness in low-and middle-income countries (LMICs). The aim of this study was to measure the effectiveness of DPOs as a low-cost intervention to improve well-being and access to services and facilities for people with disabilities. METHODS: We undertook a cluster randomised intervention control trial across 39 distinct rural villages in Uttarakhand State, North India. A total of 527 participants were included from 39 villages: 302 people from 20 villages were assigned to the intervention arm and 225 from 19 villages were assigned to the control group. Over a 2-year period, people with disabilities were facilitated to form DPOs with regular home visits. Participants were also given financial support for public events and exposure visits to other DPOs. Seven domains were used to measure access and participation. RESULTS: DPO formation had improved participation in community consultations (OR 2.57, 95% CI 1.4 to 4.72), social activities (OR 2.46, 95% CI 1.38 to 4.38), DPOs (OR 14.78, 95% CI 1.43 to 152.43), access to toilet facilities (OR 3.89, 95% CI 1.31 to 11.57), rehabilitation (OR 6.83, 95% CI 2.4 to 19.42) and Government social welfare services (OR 4.82, 95% CI 2.35 to 9.91) in intervention when compared to the control. People who were part of a DPO had an improvement in having their opinion heard (OR 1.94, 95% CI 1.16 to 3.24) and being able to make friends (OR 1.63, 95% CI 1 to 2.65) compared to those who were not part of a DPO. All other well-being variables had little evidence despite greater improvement in the DPO intervention group. CONCLUSIONS: This is the first randomised control trial to demonstrate that DPOs in LMICs are effective at improving participation, access and well-being. This study supports the ongoing role of DPOs in activities related to disability inclusion and disability services. This study also suggests that supporting the establishment, facilitation and strengthening of DPOs is a cost-effective intervention and role that non-governmental organisations (NGOs) can play. TRIAL REGISTRATION: ISRCTN36867362, 9th Oct 2019 (retrospectively registered).

Television viewing distances, visual angles, and viewing angles were calculated for 217 children and 149 adults from 78 families. The data were obtained from time-lapse videotapes automatically recorded in the families' homes over 10-day periods. Viewing distance increases with age, and visual angle decreases with age. Viewers aged 17 years and younger viewed at an average distance of 225.3 em, at an average visual angle of 12.3 deg, and at an average viewing angle of 23.7 deg. Adult viewers watched TV at an average distance of 336.8 cm, an average visual angle of 6.6 deg, and at an average viewing angle of 23.3 deg. The best predictors of viewing location were (1) percentage of time the viewer watched TV from furniture, (2) room area, and (3) screen width.