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THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT AND THE PEOPLE HAVE ALWAYS FELT THAT DEMOCRACY WAS UNREACHABLE FOR THEM. YET, SINCE THE STUDENT DEMONSTRATIONS DURING THE SUMMER OF 1989, THE GOAL SEEMS MORE REALISTIC. AFTER NEARLY A CENTURY OF STRUGGLING FOR DEMOCRACY, IT IS POSSIBLE THAT THE CHINESE HAVE CREATED THE CONDITIONS FOR IT. THIS ARTICLE ADDRESSES THE QUESTIONS: HOW WOULD THE TRANSITION OCCUR? WHAT WOULD A CHINESE DEMOCRACY BE LIKE? THE EXAMPLE OF TIAWAN IS DISCUSSED, AS WELL AS COMPARING THE CONDITIONS IN CHINA TO THOSE IN POORER DEMOCRACIES. CHINA HAS A REALATIVELY EQUAL DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH, WHICH IS GENERALLY CONSIDERED A HELPFUL CONDITION FOR DEMOCRACY. IT ALSO HAS STRONG POLICE AND MILITARY INSTITUTIONS WHICH ARE AS NECESSARY FOR KEEPING THE PEACE IN A DEMOCRACY AS IN A DICTATORSHIP.

This essay explores the issue of drug trafficking and production in Myanmar to understand the extent of damage this problematic situation has on the South East Asian region and to discuss what steps are being taken by institutions to stem the proliferation of narcotics such as heroin and amphetamines. Myanmar's turbulent political history and unique geographical position have been explained to garner knowledge on why drug trafficking and production are so closely associated with the nation. The policymaking efforts of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to combat drug trafficking and production in the region have so far been plagued by obstructions such as internal corruption, a lack of multilateral cooperation and insufficient resources. These barriers combine to create policy that it is aligned closer to empty rhetoric than actual physical implementation. The ASEAN and China Cooperative Operations in Response to Dangerous Drugs (ACCORD) agreement has shown signs of a changing tide toward effective policymaking, due mainly to China stepping up to the plate of regional leadership. This essay recommends that in order to successfully fight drug trafficking and production, ASEAN need to establish more realistic and achievable goals with an emphasis on rehabilitation rather than punishment. Furthermore, compliance mechanisms should be put in place by ASEAN so that countries such as Myanmar, who often deviate from the status quo of drug policy, will be reprimanded for doing so in the future. Thus, creating an environment of multilateral cooperation, togetherness and consistency in relation to combatting the illegal drug trafficking and production trade

"The Routledge Handbook of Rhetoric and Power represents the first comprehensive disciplinary investigation into the relationship between rhetoric and power as it is expressed in different aspects of society. Providing conceptual and empirical foundations for the study of the relationship between different forms of rhetorical expression and diverse structures, practices, habits, and networks of power, the handbook is divided into six parts: - Theoretical Foundations - Propaganda, Politics, and the State - Resistance and Social Movements - Culture, Society, and Identity - Discourses of Technique and Organization - Prospects for the Future The guiding principle of this handbook is that power represents a capacity for coordinated action grounded in specific historical, technological, political, and economic conditions, and that rhetoric is an art that adapts to these conditions and finds ways to transform, create, or undermine these capacities in other people through self-conscious persuasion. Featuring contributions from key scholars, this accessibly written handbook will be an indispensable resource for researchers and students in the fields of rhetoric, writing studies, communication studies, political communication, and social justice"--

"The Routledge Handbook of Rhetoric and Power represents the first comprehensive disciplinary investigation into the relationship between rhetoric and power as it is expressed in different aspects of society. Providing conceptual and empirical foundations for the study of the relationship between different forms of rhetorical expression and diverse structures, practices, habits, and networks of power, the handbook is divided into six parts: - Theoretical Foundations - Propaganda, Politics, and the State - Resistance and Social Movements - Culture, Society, and Identity - Discourses of Technique and Organization - Prospects for the Future The guiding principle of this handbook is that power represents a capacity for coordinated action grounded in specific historical, technological, political, and economic conditions, and that rhetoric is an art that adapts to these conditions and finds ways to transform, create, or undermine these capacities in other people through self-conscious persuasion. Featuring contributions from key scholars, this accessibly written handbook will be an indispensable resource for researchers and students in the fields of rhetoric, writing studies, communication studies, political communication, and social justice"--

Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- About the Contributors -- 1 Prolegomena to Future Inquiry Into Rhetoric and Power -- Part 1 Theoretical Foundations -- 2 Infraontology: Rhetoric, Insurgency, Abolition -- 3 Economic New Materialism and the Invention of Affective Possibilities -- 4 Political Style, Formalism, and the Anthropocene -- 5 Abolitionist John Brown, Gun Clubs, and the Rhetoric of Physical Violence -- 6 The Universe of Things: Power in a More Than Human World -- 7 The Rhetorical Analysis of Unconscious Forms of Persuasion -- Part 2 Propaganda, Politics, and the State -- 8 Culturally Sensitive Engagement: Enabling Citizen Deliberation in Transportation Planning -- 9 Rhetorical Criticism as the Art of Questioning What We Take for Granted: An Inquiry Into the "American Dream -- 10 Moralizing an Electoral Crisis: The Rhetoric of Moral Words in Ghana's 2020 Election Dispute -- 11 "This Is Not Who We Are as a Nation": Theorizing Collective Identity in the US -- 12 A Hestian Defense of the Oikos: The Authoritarian Mother Persona of Sarah Huckabee Sanders -- Part 3 Resistance and Social Movements -- 13 Soup, Glue, and Art: Iconoclasm From Below in Just Stop Oil's Use of Image Events -- 14 The Power of Mutual Aid and Care -- 15 "How Can We Use This to Create Power?": Revisiting the Rhetoric of Consciousness-Raising for Intersectional Solidarity -- 16 Meredith and the Monument: The Ecology of Memory at the University of Mississippi -- 17 Body Rhetoric: Containing the Filthy Body of Irish Republicanism in Long Kesh Prison -- Part 4 Culture, Society, and Identity -- 18 Apocalyptic Rhetoric and Settler Power: Lessons for the End Times in Eruption -- 19 In Search of a Verb: An Affective Rhetorical Criticism of "The Hill We Climb -- 20 Prophets, Presidents, and Democracy.

"Scholars of religion have increasingly rejected the model of religious syncretism, in which apparent deviations from normative practice are explained as the result of a mixture of religions. Nevertheless, there are aspects of Thai Buddhist practice that still stubbornly appear syncretistic, such as the worship of particular Buddha images for mundane boons in the same way as gods and spirits. Moreover, increasingly Thai Buddhists themselves are adopting the language of syncretism, referring to traditional Thai religion as a mixture of local, Hindu, and Buddhist practices. This raises the question: If syncretism is so wrong, then why does it seem so right? Holy Things answers this question through an in-depth study of the worship of spirits, gods, and Buddha images-all known as sing saksit, or "holy things"-in Thailand. It shows that what appears to be syncretism is actually an illusion created by an array of historically transforming and interacting discourses: Pali Buddhist, Sanskritic Hindu, and the modern discourse of religion. Holy Things thus explains not only why a stubborn case of apparent syncretism is actually not so, but also why syncretism seems so appealing in the first place"--

"We are living in Machiavellian times, argues Nathan Crick in The Way to Hell: Machiavelli for Catastrophic Times. Just as Machiavelli warned in the closing chapter of the Prince, a foreboding sense of catastrophe encroaches upon our daily lives from every corner - political, cultural, environmental, and viral, forces not unlike the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse that were familiar characters in the daily lives of Machiavelli's Renaissance contemporaries, and which feature in the headlines that greet us every morning. Where catastrophe looms, Machiavelli inevitably follows. Drawing from the insights contained in Machiavelli's collected works, Crick interprets Machiavelli's political thought by first applying it to his own time and then our own, exploring the different paths we might choose when trying to avoid the hellish outcomes - environmental, economic, and political-that feel as if they are increasingly inevitable. Here Crick explores key questions in Machiavelli's writing with pragmatic sensibility and an open mind. When is force and fraud necessary to defend democracy? Is cruelty ever justified? When does social protest slip into violent revolution? What is the relationship between politics and propaganda? Can we have both good and effective leaders in times of crisis? And how does catastrophe bring out the comedy and tragedy of life? In our effort to avoid the way to Hell, we must confront difficult questions and make hard choices. The Way to Hell contributes not only to our understanding of Machiavelli but to our ability to meet the challenges ahead with forethought and courage"--