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This report examines the legal framework with regards to couple separation, divorce and child custody in Italy, and offers a useful guide for international audiences and social sciences researchers interested in those issues. The first section presents, in a chronological perspective, the various legislations that concern family matters and especially the questions regarding couple unions, separation and the custody of eventual children. It helps understand how the spirit of the law evolved and has been impacted by religious, as well as cultural, normative views and how policy advocacy has influenced the formulation of various articles over the years. The second section clarifies central legal and administrative terms and procedures inherent to separation, divorce and child custody, especially with regards to proper translations from Italian to English. It emphasizes the various steps that married and non-married couples must undertake when separating, and the particular nature of "legal separations" in this context, explains the confusion that translating affidamento condiviso to "joint custody" represents, and details the implications of collocation, child support and alimony in the Italian context. The last section states the art of the various surveys and studies that have analyzed the effects of these legislations on today's family practices, further specifying the impacts on recomposed families and the advent of family mediation. The report concludes by highlighting the importance for future studies on separation, divorce, and child custody, to include a more precise description of the distribution of residential times between parents; to pay attention to jurisprudence and how judges actually make use of these laws; and to document the everyday practices of people engaged in civil unions, free unions, legal cohabitants, or recomposed families.

This report examines the legal framework with regards to couple separation, divorce and child custody in Italy, and offers a useful guide for international audiences and social sciences researchers interested in those issues. The first section presents, in a chronological perspective, the various legislations that concern family matters and especially the questions regarding couple unions, separation and the custody of eventual children. It helps understand how the spirit of the law evolved and has been impacted by religious, as well as cultural, normative views and how policy advocacy has influenced the formulation of various articles over the years. The second section clarifies central legal and administrative terms and procedures inherent to separation, divorce and child custody, especially with regards to proper translations from Italian to English. It emphasizes the various steps that married and non-married couples must undertake when separating, and the particular nature of "legal separations" in this context, explains the confusion that translating affidamento condiviso to "joint custody" represents, and details the implications of collocation, child support and alimony in the Italian context. The last section states the art of the various surveys and studies that have analyzed the effects of these legislations on today's family practices, further specifying the impacts on recomposed families and the advent of family mediation. The report concludes by highlighting the importance for future studies on separation, divorce, and child custody, to include a more precise description of the distribution of residential times between parents; to pay attention to jurisprudence and how judges actually make use of these laws; and to document the everyday practices of people engaged in civil unions, free unions, legal cohabitants, or recomposed families.

Excerpt: Additionally, this volume proposed to consider resistance as an approach – that is, not only as a concept to be engaged with but also as an approach that can support the dialogue between academia and other sectors. Resistance as an approach signals the way to go about conducting research, the choices about the locations to start from, or the experiences that will be set to light. It also puts to the forefront the fact that the concept of resistance cannot be disconnected from the institution that attempts to define it. Considering such an approach, as the various chapters in this volume have demonstrated, has helped to further understand what happens in the interstices of conceptual dichotomies or classifications such as the private/public sphere, visible/invisible, political/depoliticized, or organized/routine practices. At the cross-roads of these opposites lie a myriad of actions that cannot be categorized as one or the other and yet bring about great meaning in the understanding of how resistance happens and resiliently continues to strive – to which the various chapters have empirically given substance. Alongside the claims that the chapters confront, I would like to address two aspects that emerge from this collective body of work – and which relate to other studies as well – which I propose as futures avenues inside the developing field of Resistance Studies. These themes somewhat traverse the various contributions but still need to be further unpacked as important debates surrounding the study of resistance: (1) the intrinsic relation between resistance and violence and (2) the scholar-activist debate.

Excerpt: Additionally, this volume proposed to consider resistance as an approach – that is, not only as a concept to be engaged with but also as an approach that can support the dialogue between academia and other sectors. Resistance as an approach signals the way to go about conducting research, the choices about the locations to start from, or the experiences that will be set to light. It also puts to the forefront the fact that the concept of resistance cannot be disconnected from the institution that attempts to define it. Considering such an approach, as the various chapters in this volume have demonstrated, has helped to further understand what happens in the interstices of conceptual dichotomies or classifications such as the private/public sphere, visible/invisible, political/depoliticized, or organized/routine practices. At the cross-roads of these opposites lie a myriad of actions that cannot be categorized as one or the other and yet bring about great meaning in the understanding of how resistance happens and resiliently continues to strive – to which the various chapters have empirically given substance. Alongside the claims that the chapters confront, I would like to address two aspects that emerge from this collective body of work – and which relate to other studies as well – which I propose as futures avenues inside the developing field of Resistance Studies. These themes somewhat traverse the various contributions but still need to be further unpacked as important debates surrounding the study of resistance: (1) the intrinsic relation between resistance and violence and (2) the scholar-activist debate.

1. Introduction Without any doubt, a good way to grasp gender relations in Vietnam today is by analyzing the meaning assigned to the couple. Looking at the meaning the Vietnamese State has gradually given to couples informs us about its vaster plan for governing society. This is particularly the case since its economic renovation of 1986, called Doi Moi, which was designed to open the country to the international market-based economy and the circulation of capital. Thus, the heterosexual couple has for long been a useful tool in implementing policies. However, the shift in civilians' consumer practices – encouraged by the State – has unexpectedly weakened this figure and led to an increase in divorces and single mothers choosing to raise their children alone. In this chapter, I shall focus on the effects of the Vietnamese State's opening to globalization, with a turn to neoliberalism, on gender relations in general, on the Vietnamese couple in particular, and on the subsequent phenomenon of the increase of 'Single Moms'. My findings are derived from two field trips in the province of Hanoi, in 2014 and 2015, to understand Single Moms' motivations to depart from the traditional institution of the family and grasp their resistances in this context1. In the spirit of feminist methodologies of research, the aim was to develop a study grounded in their experience of subordination and reflecting their multiple identities as women, mothers, and outcasts of Vietnamese society. Using mixed methods – interviews, participant observation, focus groups, documents – my findings are the result of encounters with various married women, members of NGOs working on gender issues, government organizations in charge of gender and the family, and the exchange with 43 Single Moms (both urban and rural). The term 'Single Moms' is the one used by these women to define themselves and refers to mothers who are raising their child/children without living with the father – whether this situation is due to a divorce, an unwanted pregnancy out of wedlock, or a desired and deliberate choice to get pregnant and raise the child alone2. As it will be highlighted, these women all have in common a will to get out of multiple subordinations that are ascribed to them when inside a marriage and its larger ties to the extended family – a situation that the country's new social organization has made possible. To fully understand these changes and how they inform us on wider gender relations in today's Vietnamese society, I shall first present how the Vietnamese couple has historically been at the center of the State's preoccupation. This will give way to an outline of Doi Moi's influence on gender, on the Vietnamese couple – with the evolution of sexual behaviors of men and women – and on the advent of the figure of the Single Mom.

1. Introduction Without any doubt, a good way to grasp gender relations in Vietnam today is by analyzing the meaning assigned to the couple. Looking at the meaning the Vietnamese State has gradually given to couples informs us about its vaster plan for governing society. This is particularly the case since its economic renovation of 1986, called Doi Moi, which was designed to open the country to the international market-based economy and the circulation of capital. Thus, the heterosexual couple has for long been a useful tool in implementing policies. However, the shift in civilians' consumer practices – encouraged by the State – has unexpectedly weakened this figure and led to an increase in divorces and single mothers choosing to raise their children alone. In this chapter, I shall focus on the effects of the Vietnamese State's opening to globalization, with a turn to neoliberalism, on gender relations in general, on the Vietnamese couple in particular, and on the subsequent phenomenon of the increase of 'Single Moms'. My findings are derived from two field trips in the province of Hanoi, in 2014 and 2015, to understand Single Moms' motivations to depart from the traditional institution of the family and grasp their resistances in this context1. In the spirit of feminist methodologies of research, the aim was to develop a study grounded in their experience of subordination and reflecting their multiple identities as women, mothers, and outcasts of Vietnamese society. Using mixed methods – interviews, participant observation, focus groups, documents – my findings are the result of encounters with various married women, members of NGOs working on gender issues, government organizations in charge of gender and the family, and the exchange with 43 Single Moms (both urban and rural). The term 'Single Moms' is the one used by these women to define themselves and refers to mothers who are raising their child/children without living with the father – whether this situation is due to a divorce, an unwanted pregnancy out of wedlock, or a desired and deliberate choice to get pregnant and raise the child alone2. As it will be highlighted, these women all have in common a will to get out of multiple subordinations that are ascribed to them when inside a marriage and its larger ties to the extended family – a situation that the country's new social organization has made possible. To fully understand these changes and how they inform us on wider gender relations in today's Vietnamese society, I shall first present how the Vietnamese couple has historically been at the center of the State's preoccupation. This will give way to an outline of Doi Moi's influence on gender, on the Vietnamese couple – with the evolution of sexual behaviors of men and women – and on the advent of the figure of the Single Mom.

This paper investigates the Sisters' House (SH), a woman-only, intersectional reception project for migrant women in Brussels. Originating from volunteers' commitment to foster empowerment while addressing their specific needs, offering a 'safe space' that breaks the cycle of violence and trauma characteristic of their migration trajectories. This grassroots accommodation facility serves as a distinctive arena for pioneering inclusive reception practices. We analyze the SH project through the lens of constructive resistance – understood as 'initiatives where people start to build elements of the society they desire independently of and in opposition to the dominant structures already in place' (Sørensen et al., 2023:1). Specifically, we look at the feminist and intersectional principles underpinning the project's vision, and its five axes of implementation. Ultimately, we innovate by highlighting how intersectionality enriches the current conceptual framework of constructive resistance.

Objective: This paper investigates the impact of the 2020 Covid-19 related Spring Lockdown in Italy on families practicing shared physical custody (SPC) arrangements for their children. Background: Those family configurations partly challenge the dominant 'mother as main carer model' that characterizes Italian society. Here, we consider the lockdown as a "challenge-trial" to analyze the strategies that these families have developed to cope with lockdown, and to reveal the overarching structures that contributed to shape this experience of lockdown. Method: We draw on semi-structured interviews with 19 parents (9 fathers and 10 mothers), part of 12 families practicing SPC. Results: We propose a typology of custody re-organizations during lockdown and how this affected the division of parental involvement based on a) change/no change in sleepover calendars in favor of mother/father; and b) similar/different arrangements for siblings – a new practice that emerged and also has implications for the division of childcare between parents. Four types are identified where we emphasize new parenting practices and the role played by material housing configurations, relations and tensions between family members, as well as balancing work, school and childcare. Conclusion: We highlight the usefulness of applying a "challenge-trial" lens to the study of family life under lockdown, and the need to complexify research on gender equality in shared parenting and on sibling relationships in post-divorce families.

Shared physical custody (SPC) is a care arrangement following parental separation, whereby children alternatively reside with their mother and father. Very little is known about how family policies accommodate SPC, which is all the more unfortunate, as it represents a key opportunity to understand how family policies can efficiently facilitate shared parenting. To address this gap, this article presents a modest attempt at designing a new comparative family policy approach that considers SPC arrangements, by examining the extent to which Belgian, French and Italian family policies accommodate a more equal sharing of parenting post-divorce. In so doing, we encourage studies of defamilialization to take better account of the diversity of contemporary family forms. The theoretical section traces back key feminist debates around defamilialization and proposes to consider SPC arrangements as an 'atypical' family configuration that best illustrates contemporary tensions around defamilialization and gender equality. It also takes stock of the few studies of family policy and SPC to highlight key issues at stake. The analysis section starts with the main characteristics of the family law, welfare regime and family policies of the three countries. Then, we examine a selection of emblematic and national-level family policies from the following areas: (1) Family benefits; (2) Financial support to access to services; and (3) Tax measures. Our comparison focuses on three main criteria: scope; entitlement; and shareability of benefits between parents in the context of SPC. Our analysis reveals the variety of approaches to SPC in family polices across countries and policy areas, and the significant lack of support for a more equitable distribution of parenting within SPC. We conclude by highlighting the usefulness of taking SPC into account in reflecting on and evaluating the implementation of defamilialization policies, and by identifying some of the challenges to be met by future research.

With alcohol experiences increasingly shared on social media, this study investigated the construction and understanding of gender norms in alcohol posts: (a) whether stereotypical gender norms prevail across different platforms and message types (b) among adolescents. Focus group interviews with 47 adolescents (Mage = 16.21; SD = 1.22) indicated that social media are important outlets for reproducing stereotypical norms. While sharing alcohol depictions was deemed to be stereotypically female, there were gender differences in the acceptability of sharing certain types of alcohol depictions. As opposed to girls, it was more appropriate for males to depict extreme, negative alcohol behaviors. While girls acknowledged that ephemeral environments enabled them to feel comfortable sharing extreme alcohol behaviors, they carefully negotiated these references by limiting the number of these posts, highlighting female traits in them, and restricting this content to close friends only. Thus, alcohol-related social media posts are more stereotypical than actual drinking experiences, even in more deliberating message types including ephemeral ones.

Editorial for the Special Issue: Intersectional Solidarities and Resistances in Face of Violent Migration Regimes

While the so-called "end of public space" literature, focusing on encroachment of private interests and state surveillance, has contributed to critical thinking of access (or the lack thereof) to public space, and the loss of publicity of public space, the conceptual tools such literature offers to understand contestations in and over public space have remained underdeveloped or, at best, underexplored. This article builds on the above debates to provides further empirical evidence on the way actors of a country compete over, and negotiate, the use of public space and the way it should be regulated. Empirically, it illustrates competition and negotiation of the use of language in Odessa, the third largest city of Ukraine, where Ukrainian should be the official language but Russian is widely used. Theoretically, starting from the way public and private are negotiated, and the extent to which this happens, we will suggest that resistance to state measures, and policies, that do not suit a considerable portion of a population may happen not only formally but also informally. The practices, tactics, and mechanisms used may, however, remain "invisible" for some time and then surprise everyone by emerging, all of a sudden, one day. A possible way to notice these dynamics is to engage with an "everyday" approach, thus acknowledging that everyday practices are a meaningful, and useful, site for understanding sociopolitical developments in the process of the construction of "the political.". ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published