Suchergebnisse

This paper examines the challenges of protecting refugees in sub-Saharan Africa. Reviewing available and relevant literature on refugees and their displacement in this region, it argues that people are compelled to flee their homes and seek refuge across international borders due to poverty, instability, conflict, and climate-related emergencies. They are then placed in overcrowded camps, frequently for extended periods. In theory, African refugees can access one of the most progressive protection schemes in the world. In practice, they confront insurmountable obstacles to their human rights, including coerced return, prejudice, arbitrary detention and arrest, limitations on their freedoms of speech and movement, and violations of their social and economic rights. Refugee law, which was created in the language of human rights and applies to people who are already highly vulnerable, disappears from view amid the poor human rights records of many African countries. From an in-depth argument and reflection on the literature, considering the differing voices and arguments, this paper communicates how, given the rise in extremism and political instability in sub-Saharan Africa, regional security is at risk if the inadequate protection given to refugee camps is not addressed.

The objective of this paper is to examine the expansion of higher education in South Africa, problems associated with it and how it will inform future trends in higher education in the country. To accomplish the objectives of this paper, a qualitative research approach was adopted which allowed for the review of literature that spoke to the title. It was observed that South Africa has been struggling to respond effectively to the expansion of higher education. The expansion of higher education has no doubt affected the quality of education offered, more so, courses offered by higher education institutions seem not to align with market demands, thus increasing the unemployment of graduates. This paper concluded that while greater participation in higher education is welcomed, the country ought to invest in higher education development by constructing new universities and colleges, ensuring more favourable student to staff ratio, and increasing the involvement of the private sector to mitigate the effects of the expansion.

This paper examines whether a free movement protocol in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) would deepen and consolidate regional integration and development. Political discourse in the SADC has argued for the need to consolidate regional integration considering the changing trajectory of socio-economic conditions in the region. Free movement regimes have been seen as key for collective development through increased labour flows, goods and services. However in SADC, since the first draft protocol on free movement in 1995, the region still does not have a free movement regime in operation. An examination of regional integration literature reveals that: lack of political will, unequal levels of economic development, borders and their colonialist legacies and the competing interests of states are stifling regional integration in the SADC region. Regardless of associated economic benefits, a free movement protocol would not change the economic trajectory of the region until such challenges are addressed. Moving beyond these challenges, the capacitation of regional institutions and establishing inter-state ministerial committees to study the impact of a free movement protocol in the SADC would be the first step in consolidating regional integration.

With rapid globalization sweeping through the globe, the movement of people throughout the world has increased significantly over the last 20 years. Motivated by the thrill of earning better salaries and living in countries characterised by better standards of living, people have travelled long distances in search of such opportunities. Undoubtedly, the economic buoyancy of countries like South Africa and Botswana has attracted thousands of migrants from the SADC who are seeking job opportunities, further straining government resources and impeding the effective functioning of border immigration services. The unequal rate of economic development in the region has further created an increasing gap between fast-developing and slow developing nations, hence the unequal rate of migration. Skills transfer and collaborations have been the major benefits of cross border-migration for SADC, although crime and xenophobia have also been identified as problems associated with cross-border migration in Southern Africa. The flow of remittances from South Africa has played a crucial role in fighting poverty and hunger in the migrant's home country and contributed significantly to government finances. However, the absence of a regionally accepted policy aimed at regulating migration means that illegal cross-border migration will carry on being a problem in the region and unfortunately the absence of policies aiming at spurring collective regional economic growth means illegal cross-border migration will increase in the years to come.

The development and expansion of any continent's economy is mostly dependent on the availability of world-class infrastructure capable of attracting international investors. The development and expansion of Africa's infrastructure is imperative; hence this will improve the African economy. The development and expansion of infrastructure improves the economy, resulting in many economic prospects for the inhabitants of any continent. However, in Africa, infrastructure development, investment, and preservation are among the lowest in the world. Infrastructure development will not only attract foreign investment and business, but it will also enhance trade between countries within the region. Trade between countries within the region is also heavily impacted by poor infrastructure investment in the continent, this puts much limit economic prospects within the region. This is a major concern; thus, Africa has several deficiencies in transport, telecommunications, water, health, and education infrastructures, all of which are crucial for Africa development. This is one of the main reasons why Africa has the highest levels of unemployment, poverty, food insecurity, migration, and poor education and health care systems. The author contends that investments and development in the African regional infrastructure are relatively low. This is a major barrier to regional economic development since the development of the region's economy relies on the development of infrastructure. This is unfortunate; hence, the region economy already lacks capabilities to provide the people with economic opportunities. A qualitative method was used to investigate what is preventing infrastructure development in Africa and what this means for Africa as a developing continent.

Hunger, poverty, malnutrition, and unstable food systems are among the societal challenges facing the African continent. These difficulties result from Africa's inability to address external shocks such as poor economic growth and widespread conflict. Furthermore, the continent is still recovering from the Covid-19 pandemic, which devastated its developmental prospects. Increased dependence on Russia and Ukraine for vital supplies such as wheat and sunflower oil has exacerbated Africa's food insecurity crisis. This paper examines how the Russia-Ukraine conflict has affected Africa's food supply and how, in the future, the continent can secure food supply in times of uncertainty. The authors submit that Africa must improve its agricultural production systems to reduce reliance on other countries and promote long-term food supply.

The inability of the African Union (AU) to deal with increasing outbreaks of violence and conflict has cast a lot of doubt regarding the organization's ability to lead Africa in a 21st century characterized by massive geopolitical dynamics. To answer the critical question of whether the AU is still relevant today, the study employed a strict textual analysis of the relevant literature on the role of the AU in conflict prevention, eradication, and by extension its contribution towards peacebuilding. The study found that the AU has failed to eradicate conflicts in Africa single‐handedly; rather, the UN and together with foreign states have intervened to help quell the violence in Libya, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the Central African Republic and beyond. The failure of the AU has increased global and continental perceptions that the AU is useless and cannot solve Africa's problems today. Therefore, this gives or permits an increase to foreign intervention in the internal affairs of African states. The study concluded that reforms and reaffirming commitment from member states are important elements needed to ensure that the AU can become effective and contribute effectively towards solving Africa's complex problems in a somewhat complex and unpredictable international system.

The paper examines the consolidation and implications of tribalism and ethnophobia among black South Africans. South Africa is considered a xenophobic country. With the demise of apartheid and the subsequent increase in undocumented migration, tensions began to develop, not only against black foreign nationals but also among black South Africans themselves. This paper focuses on how tribalism and ethnophobia have divided black South Africans and removed the need for unity and social cohesion in a post-apartheid era. This paper employed a qualitative research approach where a literature review was undertaken. The othering theory was used as a theoretical lens. Findings reflect that although South Africa is recognized as a rainbow nation because of its many different cultures and customs, it is hidden beneath ethnic and tribal emotions that have stifled the idea of unity and social cohesion. South Africa is still far from eradicating tribalistic and ethnophobic sentiments amongst its black population. Apart from ethnicity and tribalism, race continues to divide South Africa. The political transition of 1994 lacked effective frameworks to unite the various ethnic groups that were for decades segregated by apartheid; instead, the focus was on building a new South Africa. However, this approach missed the mark by not focusing on the importance of ethnic unity and tolerance among black South Africans. Unless these tribalistic and ethnophobic sentiments are addressed, unity and social cohesion in the South African black community is unlikely.

The paper, employing a qualitative research approach through the review of literature seeks to examine the increasing acts of terrorism in Mozambique's Northern Cabo Delgado region and its implications for the SADC and South Africa. Regionally, the SADC's failure to act has cast doubt on the regional body's ability to protect and support member states in times of need and has painted a bleak picture for the region's security, should the insurgency spread to other countries. For South Africa, this presents a security conundrum, not only are the country's land borders porous, but the country's intelligence services have been marred by political interference, thus questioning the country's ability to promptly respond to possible threats that may emanate from its land borders. The current political discourse in South Africa argues that should terror groups consolidate their presence in Mozambique and look to expand their operations to South Africa, The country's borders at their current state together with a politically compromised intelligence service would serve little purpose in protecting the country considering their state of disarray. The paper recommends that collective action is needed to address the on‐going insurgency in Mozambique through a SADC initiated regional framework, which is supported by member states. For South Africa, investment in border operations, policy harmonisation, and the impartiality of intelligence services are key issues that ought to be addressed to ensure that going forward, South Africa can repel any possible terror‐related incident.

From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa's political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria's continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of re-uniting itself with continental and global politics and importantly uniting African states because of its relatively robust economy. However, the demise of apartheid brought immense opportunities for other African migrants to come and settle in South Africa for diverse reasons and bring a new enemy in xenophobia. Post-1994, xenophobia has rattled South Africa driven (albeit not entirely) by escalating domestic social ills and foreign nationals often being blamed for this. Using a qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this article ponders xenophobia in post-democratization South Africa and what setbacks this has had on its hegemonic standpoint in Africa post the apartheid era.

Many African countries are bedeviled with huge losses of human skills, and this, in turn, has affected thier development. From health professionals to teachers, academics and engineers, the continent has lost numerous skilled personnel who ought to be contributing extensively to its socio‐economic development. The socio‐economic development of a country hinges on the availability of skilled human resources to drive its growth. Brain drain has long being a challenge for South Africa as the country continues to lose skilled professionals to other countries, hence, the unsteady growth of its economy. Using a strict textual analysis of the relevant literature relating to brain drain in South Africa, the study found that the South African government lacks a clear cut policy on how to reduce brain drain, and this will impact the country's socioeconomic development in the long term. Using the theoretical framework of Lee's push and pull theory, the study argues that brain drain in South Africa is reinforced by certain socio‐economic factors. The paper concludes that South Africa's vision of becoming Africa's industrial hub may remain a dream if the country fails to put losing its skilled professionals under control.