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This book contributes to the study of collective memory and the sociology of terrorism by analysing the role of memorialization in relation to terrorism, its victims, and the broader society. While various social scientists have extensively theorized and analysed how trauma and memory interact, grow apart, and reinforce each other, this book puts the rights and needs of the victims centre-stage. Departing from the prescriptive, legal blueprints of memory, this book introduces the concept of memorial needs' to challenge and complement existing victimological frameworks. It critically assesses the efficacy of public memorialization and its success in assisting those affected by violence by exploring how victims engage with memory and memorialization. It investigates personal and collective responses to urban terrorism in Europe that have taken a wide range of forms including media coverage, spontaneous memorials and public mobilizations, literary and artistic works, trials, and controversial counter-terrorism measures. Making a case against the fetishization of memory as an overarching answer to curing visible and invisible wounds provoked by violence, Victims and Memory After Terrorism sends out a practical invitation to the field to 'repair symbolic reparations' in a way that memorialisation is not just an expression of potential, an aspiration for a more moral and just society and a promise of healing for the victimised. An accessible and compelling read, this book will appeal to students and scholars of victimology, criminology, sociology, politics and those interested in the relationship between collective memory and terrorism.
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 45, Heft 5, S. 893-909
ISSN: 1465-3923
This paper discusses the way in which a post-conflict European Union (EU) member immediately after accession both shapes and adapts to EU memory politics as a part of its Europeanization process. I will analyze how the country responds to the top-down pressures of Europeanization in the domestic politics of memory by making proactive attempts at exporting its own politics of memory (discourses, policies, and practices) to the EU level. Drawing evidence from Croatian EU accession, I will consider how Croatian members of the European Parliament "upload" domestic memory politics to the EU level, particularly to the European Parliament. Based on the analysis of elite interviews, discourses, parliamentary duties, agenda-setting, and decision-making of Croatian MEPs from 2013 to 2016, I argue that the parliament serves both as a locus for confirmation of European identity through promotion of countries' EU memory credentials and as a new forum for affirmation of national identity. The preservation of the "Homeland War" narrative (1991–1995) and of the "sacredness" of Vukovar as a Europeanlieu de mémoireclearly influences the decision-making of Croatian MEPs, motivating inter-group support for policy building and remembrance practices that bridge domestic political differences.
In: Journal of terrorism research: TR, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 44
ISSN: 2049-7040
Whilst the interest of memory scholars in political violence and more specifically in terrorism is not novel, there appears to be a certain urgency to reflect upon memories of terrorist violence in collective, European immaginarium. By questioning how to deal with these memories and how the process of remembrance of the victims of terrorism will pave its way into a European memory culture, this article analyses spontaneous memorialization of the victims of terrorist attacks in Brussels (2016).
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In: Politique européenne, Band 71, Heft 1, S. 142-169
ISSN: 2105-2875
Cet article explore la façon dont le Parlement européen encourage et promeut au sein de l'UE une commémoration transnationale des victimes d'attaques terroristes. Nous revenons sur les origines de la Journée européenne du souvenir des victimes du terrorisme, instituée par le PE le jour même des attentats de Madrid, le 11 mars 2004, et sur les premières étapes de son institutionnalisation. Nous examinons aussi les raisons mises en avant pour la justifier, les autres acteurs qu'elle implique, et les outils utilisés pour la promouvoir. Enfin, nous interrogeons l'effectivité de cette mémoire se voulant « partagée » au niveau européen en étudiant la manière dont l'UE et ses États membres commémorent le 11 mars. Il apparaît ainsi que, si le rôle du Parlement européen a évolué, passant d'un rôle normatif à un rôle passif, cette journée de commémoration continue à n'avoir d'« européenne » essentiellement que le nom.
In: Politique européenne, Band 71, Heft 1, S. 6-27
ISSN: 2105-2875
Au cours des dernières décennies, le Parlement européen s'est peu à peu saisi d'un nouveau rôle, celui d'une chambre de débats et de résolutions relatifs à l'interprétation de l'histoire du continent. Pour comprendre les résultats, parfois controversés de ces résolutions, il convient de s'intéresser aux règles, aux processus et aux dynamiques politiques qui ont dominé ces débats au cours du temps. L'observation de ces tensions et processus permet de montrer les logiques de construction de ce cadre mémoriel européen proposé par le Parlement et qui a des implications en termes politiques mais aussi de politiques publiques européennes.
In: Memory Politics and Transitional Justice
In: Springer eBook Collection
Chapter 1. Introduction: Europeanisation and Memory Politics in the Western Balkans (Ana Milošević and Tamara Trošt) -- Chapter 2. Building upon the European Union's Anti-Fascist Foundations: The Četniks and Serbia's Memory Politics between Europeanisation and Russia (Jelena Đureinović) -- Chapter 3. Erasing Yugoslavia, Ignoring Europe: The Perils of the Europeanisation Process in Contemporary Croatian Memory Politics (Taylor McConnell) -- Chapter 4. European Union Guidelines to Reconciliation in Mostar: How to Remember? What to Forget? (Aline Cateux) -- Chapter 5. Constructing a Usable Past: Changing Memory Politics in Jasenovac Memorial Museum (Aleksandra Zaremba) -- Chapter 6. Effects of Europeanised Memory in "Artworks as Monuments" (Manca Bajec) -- Chapter 7. "Skopje 2014" Reappraised: Debating a Memory Project in North Macedonia (Naum Trajanovski) -- Chapter 8. Europeanising History to (Re)Construct the Statehood Narrative: The Reinterpretation of World War One in Montenegro (Nikola Zečević) -- Chapter 9. Narratives of Gender, War Memory, and EU-Scepticism in the Movement against the Ratification of the Istanbul Convention in Croatia (Dunja Obajdin and Slobodan Golušin) -- Chapter 10. Against Institutionalised Forgetting: Memory Politics from Below in Postwar Prijedor (Zoran Vučkovac) -- Chapter 11. Violence, War and Gender: Collective Memory and Politics of Remembrance in Kosovo (Abit Hoxha and Kenneth Andresen) -- Chapter 12. Conclusion (Ana Milošević).