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AbstractMost driver's license suspensions in the State of Ohio are, in fact, not the result of being a bad driver. Rather, they are based on an unpaid debt. Known as debt-related suspensions (DRS), they create physical and financial barriers, disrupting the everyday lives of those impacted. Despite progress in limiting the practice, half of all states, including Ohio, still engage in the practice, and so research into the scale, scope, and implications of DRS takes on a heightened importance. This research focuses on three understudied dimensions of DRS. First, it adds to only a handful of statewide analyses by providing an accounting of the practice in Ohio from 2016 to 2020. Second, the analysis provides specific detail in terms of the financial implications of DRS across seven different DRS categories. Third, the research examines race, poverty, and other correlates of DRS in a regression framework. Findings show DRS in Ohio to be a problem of scale: In an average year, the state has over 3.2 million active DRS on 1.7 million Ohio drivers. They levy over $758 M in fees and costs, and drivers pay over $167 M. On average, the unpaid DRS debt is over $900 M annually, reaching over $1 billion in 2018, its peak year. DRS are overrepresented in Ohio's high poverty and high People of Color communities. Ohio's highest poverty ZIP Codes had 40 times the DRS compared to the lowest poverty ZIP Codes. Similarly, Ohio's ZIP Codes with the highest percent People of Color had more DRS than the lowest percent People of Color ZIP Codes—nearly 140 times more. Regression results reinforce these findings, indicating particularly severe impacts among Ohio's working poor and in communities of color. The burden of Ohio's debt-related suspensions rests disproportionately on the shoulders of these communities. These findings raise several questions about the state's policy and practice surrounding debt-related suspensions.

Although it is commonly held that accessibility plays a role in house price determination, there is less explicit recognition that it is transportation infrastructure that is primarily delivering that accessibility. Large additions to the transportation infrastructure tend to be well studied, but there is a dearth of empirical research that investigates the house price impacts when local transportation infrastructure is incrementally invested in. If these smaller investments also impact accessibility, then there should be a measurable impact in the housing market. Although results show that this is in fact the case for Cuyahoga County, Ohio, over the years 1995-2000, the price impact is not universally positive. The nature of the price impact depends on the location of the investment, relative to the house and regional accessibility points, and on how long ago the investment was completed.

In the late 1980s the city of Cleveland began offering residential property tax abatements in an effort to (1) reduce blight, (2) attract home owners, and (3) build upon the momentum established by the construction of several downtown attractions. When Cleveland's legislation authorizing part of the abatement program was to be renewed in 2005, a new mayor asked for an assessment of the program's status and its fiscal effects. Utilizing property tax and assessment files and a survey of individuals who had purchased a home that received the property tax abatement, this study finds that Cleveland's investment through forgone property taxes will likely result in overall fiscal gains for the city. Despite this success, property tax abatements, even coupled with the building of an impressive set of cultural amenities, have yet to reverse the demographic and economic trends that have plagued Cleveland for more than fifty years.

In the late 1980s the city of Cleveland began offering residential property tax abatements in an effort to (1) reduce blight, (2) attract home owners, and (3) build upon the momentum established by the construction of several downtown attractions. When Cleveland's legislation authorizing part of the abatement program was to be renewed in 2005, a new mayor asked for an assessment of the program's status and its fiscal effects. Utilizing property tax and assessment files and a survey of individuals who had purchased a home that received the property tax abatement, this study finds that Cleveland's investment through forgone property taxes will likely result in overall fiscal gains for the city. Despite this success, property tax abatements, even coupled with the building of an impressive set of cultural amenities, have yet to reverse the demographic and economic trends that have plagued Cleveland for more than fifty years. Adapted from the source document.

Recent advances in spatial data analysis are making their way into a variety of applied research settings. Once purely the domain of specialists, increased availability of both spatial data and the software with which to handle them, spatial analysis techniques are diffusing into other areas of research. This article first details the rationale and need for spatial considerations in hedonic price models and focuses on the link between the context of the housing market and the statistical considerations necessary when dealing with spatial data. These issues are then explored via an application to the housing market of Cuyahoga County, Ohio. It was found, first, that explicit modeling of space is not always warranted. One of our two models shows no substantial signs of spatial misspecification. However, in the second model, where diagnostic tests call for the explicit modeling of space, some drastic differences were found between the space‐neglected model and the more correctly specified spatial hedonic model. This highlights the need to include spatial diagnostics as part of the standard model‐fitting procedure for hedonic house price applications.