Suchergebnisse

This article analyses the 16th Sabah State Election, focusing on the Kadazandusun-majority seats. It is based on an ethnographic study comprising interviews with candidates and casual conversations with local people in "competitive" Kadazandusun seats such as Matunggong, Kiulu, Moyog, Tambunan, Keningau, Sook, Nabawan, Tenom and Melalap. The results of the election showed that the Kadazandusun voted for status quo. In addition, following the trend of GE14, the Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) managed to maintain its strong presence in the Kadazandusun areas. This article argues that ethnic and personality politics play an instrumental role in determining the Kadazandusun support to GRS particularly STAR (Parti Solidariti Tanah Airku Rakyat Sabah/Homeland Solidarity Party) and PBS (Parti Bersatu Sabah/Sabah United Party). While economic factors are decisive as well, the role of the Kadazandusun traditional leadership institution is pertinent in influencing the people's decision to vote.

This study explains the role of "tungkus asi" in strengthening the ruling party's political power during the 2021 Sarawak State Election (SSE21) in Batang Ai. "Tungkus asi" is one of the local variations of patronage politics practised by the Iban at the grassroots level. During the 2016 Sarawak State Election "tungkus asi" played a role in the electoral victory of the candidate from Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS). In the SSE21, "tungkus asi" once again propelled the candidate from GPS to victory and thus strengthening the ruling party's position in Batang Ai. This article looks at how "tungkus asi" was practised and its influence on the electoral support of the Iban towards the candidates. This article was based on a study conducted in Batang Ai which involved observation and interviews with the voters and "tuai rumah". The study found that "tungkus asi" continued to play a prominent role in galvanising support from the voters. "Tungkus asi" remains relevant in the modern political era as it has become part and parcel of the political process and election among the Iban at the grassroots level. "Tungkus asi" not only consolidates GPS political power, but its practice also helps researchers and observers alike to understand the politics of patronage within the Iban voters.

Geographic information system (GIS) and election-related research focuses on the geographical characteristics of election boundaries, the election information management system and the application of GIS analysis to election boundaries. This article aims to acquire a deeper understanding of the issues affecting Dayak voters during the state elections of 2016 and 2021, geographically. This study employs three spatial analyses: Thematic Map-Density, Spatial Autocorrelation Moran's I Index and Hot Spot Analysis (Getis-Ord Gi*). In select constituencies with a Dayak-majority, interviews and observations supplemented the spatial data. This article examines Dayak-majority constituencies' geographical distribution and spatial concentration in the 2016 and 2021 elections. It demonstrates that there are significant differences in the density of voter participation, majorities obtained by candidates, and total votes cast by the electorate across the state in both state elections, confirming the assertion made by researchers of electoral politics in Sarawak that election issues are primarily location-specific and that understanding the problems faced by communities at the local level is essential. It is anticipated that the outcome of this study will aid in providing a spatial overview and projection of state election results and in strategising the future management of state elections.

This article analyses the performance of the candidates and political parties contesting in the Dayak-majority constituencies in the 2021 Sarawak State Election. It explains why, despite the promotion of Dayak issues by Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) and Pari Bumi Kenyalang (PBK) and the presence of ethnonationalist parties such as the Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak Baru (PBDSB), the Dayak continued to support the ruling Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS). The article argues that the success of GPS in securing the Dayak support can be attributed to three reasons: first, GPS's ability in accentuating the "Sarawak First" sentiment among the Dayak; second, the ruling coalition's ability in dispensing tangible development and economic benefits to the Dayak; and third, the political division among the Dayak which weakened their representation and influence outside of GPS. In the larger scheme of things, even though the theory of ethnic party competition can be used to explain the growth and survival of ethnic-based parties and ethnic politics in West Malaysia, it is only partially applicable in Sarawak, as the dynamics of the Dayak politics shows.