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Using a two-analytical framework and drawing on a wide range of secondary data, this article attempts to assess the likely impact of aid from China and India on the development of Africa. The framework treats aid as one of four main channels through which China and India influence the shape and performance of particular sectors and, through them, development outcomes. The first stage of analysis examines the varying patterns of Chinese and Indian aid and the multiple impacts such aid has on one key sector: manufacturing. The main findings from this level of analysis have to do with the differing patterns of Indian and Chinese aid, differences between Chinese and Indian aid, and aid from western countries, and the interconnections between the impact channels.
India and China have different patterns of aid. India concentrates on non-monetary aid mainly in the form of technical assistance and scholarships, while China offers a wider range of monetary and non-monetary aid packages, which include grants and loans for infrastructure, plant and equipment, as well as scholarships, training opportunities, and technical assistance. Chinese monetary aid is tied to the use of Chinese goods and services, and requires adherence to the 'One China' policy, but does not carry the 'good governance' conditionalities that currently characterise western donors. The impact channels of trade, FDI, aid, and migration overlap to some degree, especially in the case of China. The line between FDI and aid is often blurred, as is the line between aid and trade. The second stage of the analysis looks at the implications of Chinese and Indian aid to manufacturing for development outcomes such as growth, distribution, governance, and environment. The analysis shows clearly that the potential impact of Chinese and Indian aid on Africa is significant, but that the actual effects of these emerging donors on particular countries depends to a large extent on the institutional and structural conditions of the recipients.

One of the main problems associated with aid is the proliferation of donors and projects, and one of the main solutions is thought to lie in greater coordination between donors. This paper examines whether progress has been made in recent years, comparing two countries (Kenya and Indonesia) and two sectors.The research process itself, in particular the difficulty of obtaining seemingly straightforward information, provides insights into the fragmented aid business. Nevertheless the combination of quantitative and qualitative methods provides a clear overall picture: proliferation worsened between 2000 and 2005—06 while progress in coordination was uneven. Other findings concern the interdependence of donor coordination and intra-government coordination and the similarity of the overall experience of the two countries despite their different levels of economic development.

Intro -- Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Contributors -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Introduction: Clusters and innovation systems in Africa -- 2 Industrialization through cluster upgrading: Theoretical perspectives -- 3 From clusters to innovation systems in traditional industries -- 4 Industrializing Kenya: Building the productive capacity of micro and small enterprise clusters -- 5 Small and micro enterprise clusters in Tanzania: Can they generate industrial dynamism? -- 6 Learning in local systems and global links: The Otigba computer hardware cluster in Nigeria -- 7 Power and firms' learning in the Egyptian furniture cluster of Domiatt -- 8 Learning to change: Why the fish processing clusters in Uganda learned to upgrade -- 9 The Durban Auto Cluster: Global competition, collective efficiency and local development -- 10 Global markets and local responses: The changing institutions in the Lake Victoria fish cluster -- 11 Government support and enabling environment for inter-firm cluster cooperation: Policy lessons from South Africa -- 12 Institutional support for collective ICT learning: Cluster development in Kenya and Ghana -- 13 Conclusion and policy implications -- Index.

In Nairobi, where the economic and social consequences of business failure are high, entrepreneurs' risk-management strategies work separately and together to discourage firm growth. Many manage risk through flexibility. By working in rent-free quarters, using family labour and little capital, they minimise fixed costs and increase opportunities for additional income. Business owners also avoid risk by manufacturing standard products for a known market. Successful entreprenuers diversify their income and assets rather than expanding one enterprise. Finally, most prefer to preserve land and other assets unencumbered by debt. These rational responses to a risky business environment inhibit formation of a dynamic manufacturing sector. Policymakers, NGOs, and the private sector can help by creating broad policies and targeting specific programmes to remove or reduce risk. (DÜI-Hff)

The failure of structural adjustment programmes to promote industrialisation

in Africa may be at least partly explained by the fragmentation of African

business systems. In Africa, the parastatal, foreign-dominated formal and

indigenous informal sectors are poorly integrated, largely as a result
of the
institutional environment in which they have developed. The lack of supportive

financial, state and social institutions inhibits trust and accountability,
and
impedes the access to capital, labour market flexibility, and sub-contracting,

which are needed for modern industrial development. More research is
needed, both detailed studies of business systems in individual African

countries, and cross-country comparisons of the linkages between the economy

and the wider social and institutional environment.