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Objective. This paper describes and explains the presence of variousstrategies used by party leaders in the U.S. House of Representatives to increase cohesion among members of the majority party. Methods. Logistic regression analysis is performed on assignments to the most prestigious committees from the 95th through the 104th Congresses. Results. Leaders are likely to reward loyal members, to favor no ideological wing of the majority party, and to protect—on occasion—the vulnerable members of the caucus. Conclusions. The implementation of these strategies varies according to short‐term changes in the institutional context of the majority party.

This article explores the benefits of using the case study method & including online research in the senior seminar or honors coursework. These include allowing students of different skills & backgrounds to conduct their own research & apply it to a classroom experience. The author describes his own experiences leading a senior seminar based on this method. 11 References. E. Miller

Objective. This paper describes & explains the presence of various strategies used by party leaders in the US House of Representatives to increase cohesion among members of the majority party. Methods. Logistic regression analysis is performed on assignments to the most prestigious committees from the 95th through the 104th Congresses. Results. Leaders are likely to reward loyal members, to favor no ideological wing of the majority party, & to protect -- on occasion -- the vulnerable members of the caucus. Conclusions. The implementation of these strategies varies according to short-term changes in the institutional context of the majority party. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

A national map of legalized gambling from 1963 would show one state, Nevada, with casino gambling and no states with lotteries. Today's map shows eleven commercial casino states, most of them along the Mississippi River, forty-two states with state-owned lotteries, and racetrack betting, slot-machine parlors, charitable bingo, and Native American gambling halls flourishing throughout the nation. For the past twenty years, the South has wrestled with gambling issues. In How the South Joined the Gambling Nation, Michael Nelson and John Lyman Mason examine how modern southern state governments have decided whether to adopt or prohibit casinos and lotteries. Nelson and Mason point out that although the South participated fully in past gambling eras, it is the last region to join the modern movement embracing legalized gambling. Despite the prevalence of wistful, romantic images of gambling on southern riverboats, the politically and religiously conservative ideology of the modern South makes it difficult for states to toss their chips into the pot. The authors tell the story of the arrival or rejection of legalized gambling in seven southern states-Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee, South Carolina, Georgia, Arkansas, and Alabama. The authors suggest that some states chose to legalize gambling based on the examples of other nearby states, as when Mississippi casinos spurred casino legalization in Louisiana and the Georgia lottery inspired lottery campaigns in neighboring South Carolina, Alabama, and Tennessee. Also important was the influence of Democratic policy entrepreneurs, such as Zell Miller in Georgia, Don Siegelman in Alabama, and Edwin Edwards in Louisiana, who wanted to sell the idea of gambling in order to sell themselves to voters. At the same time, each state had its own idiosyncrasies, such as certain provisions of their state

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- CONTRIBUTORS -- TABLES -- FIGURES -- 1. An Introduction to Continuity and Change in House Elections -- 2. Reversal of Fortune: The Transformation of U.S. House Elections in the 1990s -- 3. Partisan Changes in the Southern Congressional Delegation and the Consequences -- 4. Money and Office: The Sources of the Incumbency Advantage in Congressional Campaign Finance -- 5. Majority-Minority Districts and the New Politics of Congressional Elections -- 6. Public Disapproval of Congress Can Be Dangerous to Majority Party Candidates: The Case of 1994 -- 7. The Nationalization of Electoral Forces Revisited -- 8. Representation of Constituency Ideology in Congress -- 9. Differences in Legislative Voting Behavior Between Winning and Losing House Incumbents -- 10. The Effect of Party on Issue Emphasis in the 1994 House Elections -- 11. The Electoral Connection Between Party and Constituency Reconsidered: Evidence from the U.S. House of Representatives, 1972-1994 -- Epilogue: 1998 and Beyond -- Appendix A -- Appendix B -- Appendix C -- Notes -- Works Cited -- Index