Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- Chapter 1. Introduction -- PART I. THE SUPREME COURT, FOREIGN AFFAIRS, AND THE FOUNDING -- Chapter 2. Inventing Separation of Powers -- Chapter 3. Separation of Powers in Foreign Affairs -- PART II. FROM DEVELOPING COUNTRY TO GLOBAL POWER -- Chapter 4. Holding Steady -- Chapter 5. Curtiss-Wright versus Youngstown: A Turning Point That Didn't Turn -- Chapter 6. Article III versus the National Security State -- PART III. GLOBAL IMBALANCE -- Chapter 7. The New World Order -- Chapter 8. Global Imbalance -- PART IV. RESTORATION -- Chapter 9. Getting (Foreign Affairs) into Court -- Chapter 10. Saying What Foreign Affairs Law Is -- Chapter 11. American Courts, Global Norms -- Chapter 12. Conclusion -- Notes -- Index.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- I INTRODUCTION -- II THE SICK CONTINENT AND ITS DIAGNOSTICIANS -- III THE REVOLT AGAINST SCIENTISM -- IV AMERICA REDISCOVERED -- V THE NEW HUMANISM AND THE LEFT -- VI ARGENTINA'S QUEST FOR IDENTITY -- VII THE SEARCH FOR ESSENCE IN MEXICO AND ELSEWHERE -- VIII CONCLUSION -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- APPENDIX TO BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z

The relative importance of heredity or environmental influence remains an enduring, hotly debated issue, while the legacy of scientific racism and sexism still tarnishes the twenty-first century. This unique study analyzes how theories of inherited difference - including race and gender - affected French social scientists in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

While previous studies have contrasted the relative optimism of middle-class social scientists before 1848 with a later period of concern for national decline and racial degeneration, Staum demonstrates that the earlier learned societies were also fearful of turmoil at home and interested in adventure abroad. Both geographers and ethnologists created concepts of fundamental "racial" inequality that prefigured the imperialist "associationist" discourse of the Third Republic, believing that European tutelage would guide "civilizable" peoples, and providing an open invitation to dominate and exploit the "uncivilizable.".

Little attention has been paid to the murky, ultra-business of gathering intelligence among and forming estimates about friendly powers, and friendly or allied military forces. How rarely have scholars troubled to discover when states entered into coalitions or alliances mainly and explicitly because their intelligence evaluation of the potential partner concluded that making the alliance was, from the originator's national security interest, the best game in town. The twentieth century has been chosen to enhance the coherence of and connections between, the subject matter of this under-explor

"The Tax Reform Act of 1986 was a powerful pro-growth force for the American economy. Equally important, as we look back on it after 25 years, we also see that it taught us two important lessons. First, it showed that politicians with very different political philosophies on the right and on the left could agree on a major program of tax rate reduction and tax reform. Second, it showed that the amount of taxable income is very sensitive to marginal tax rates.More specifically, the evidence based on the 1986 tax rate reductions shows that the response of taxpayers to reductions in marginal tax rates offsets a substantial portion of the revenue that would otherwise be lost. This implies that combining a broadening of the tax base that raises revenue equal to 10 percent of existing personal income tax revenue with a 10 percent across the board cut in all marginal tax rates would raise revenue equal to about four percent of existing tax revenue. With personal income tax revenue in 2011 of about $1 trillion, that four percent increase in net revenue would be $40 billion at the current level of taxable income or more than $500 billion over the next ten years"--National Bureau of Economic Research web site

"The high level of current account imbalances continues to be a major focus of international concern. In this paper I suggest why public and private actions in the United States and China are now likely to cause the current account imbalances in those countries to shrink and perhaps even to disappear in the next few years. If that happens, it will eliminate the largest current account imbalances in the global economy. The United States now has a current account deficit of about $500 billion or 3.5 percent of US GDP. China has a current account surplus of about $300 billion or 6 percent of its GDP. Although natural market forces should resolve such imbalances without the need for specific government policies, the government actions in both countries have actually contributed to their persistence and prevented market forces from correcting the problem. That may be about to change"--National Bureau of Economic Research web site

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