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In this article I analyse the emergence of the most recognised feminist organisations in Argentina in the 1970s, in order to analyse how they were conditioned by party politics and the prevailing Marxist ideology of the time. By tracing a common ground of significance, shaped by the radicalised horizon represented by the left, I try to point out their meaningful distinction from a relational, differential and antagonistic inscription. In particular, I look at the way in which "consciousness-raising" groups were established as a methodology unique to feminisms and the effects of the principle of "horizontality" in the definition of the identity of feminist politics. ; En el presente artículo analizo la emergencia de las organizaciones feministas más reconocidas de Argentina en la década del setenta, para analizar cómo fueron condicionadas por la política partidaria y el ideario marxista imperante en ese entonces. A partir del rastreo de un suelo común de significación, marcado por el horizonte radicalizado de las izquierdas, procuro señalar su distinción significativa desde una inscripción relacional, diferencial y antagónica. En particular, atiendo al modo en que se erigieron los grupos de "concienciación" como una metodología propia y exclusiva de los feminismos y los efectos del principio de "horizontalidad" en la definición identitaria de la política feminista.

The aim of this paper is to address the configuration of the dominant identity categories in a Latin American feminine network that has historically claimed a lack of public recognition: the Latin American and Caribbean Confederation of Household Workers. Working from the perspective of political discourse theory presented in the first section, we briefly analyze the discourses of emergence and development of the Confederation, focusing on women's struggles to be recognized as "household workers." Special attention is given to their (dis)articulations, particularly with feminists and Catholic lay sectors, as discourses or meaning configurations that conditioned their development as a collective subject. From our perspective, these processes of (dis)articulation established specific meanings for household workers' practices, instituting their limits in relation to other political projects available, including those held by feminists. The dominant meanings of identity categories have not only enabled specific ways to be identified "as a household worker" but also imprinted the limits and possibilities of their political practice.

La perspectiva de Quentin Skinner se inserta a partir de la problematización de la tradición conocida como "historia de las ideas". Desde esa concepción, dominante en la teoría y filosofía políticas hasta pasada la mitad del siglo XX , la historia del pensamiento político es abordada a partir de ideas-unidad que como objeto de la historia trascendían y atravesaban diferentes períodos históricos; esto es, desde esta perspectiva se sostenía que el sentido de ciertas ideas, conceptos y/o problemas podían desvincularse por completo de quienes las presentaron, hacia quiénes, cómo, dónde y cuándo lo hicieron. En este sentido, desde esta concepción debemos intentar comprender los textos que analizamos a partir de las preguntas que podrían llegar a estar procurando responder, a partir de las posiciones que asumieron en relación a determinadas conversaciones, diálogos o disputas preexistentes. En definitiva, para recuperar y comprender los sentidos e implicancias de lo que los/as autores/as que nos interesan quisieron decir y hacer al escribir sus textos, desde la perspectiva de Skinner, debemos «comenzar no por hacer un estudio intensivo de su texto mismo, sino más bien, por tratar de ver qué relaciones mantenía éste con las convenciones discursivas existentes» (Skinner, 2002:245). Con ese propósito, intentaremos en los próximos apartados rastrear algunas de las tramas textuales y discursivas de las que emergieron dos textos referenciales de la polémica entre autónomas e institucionalizadas: la "Carta hacia el V II Encuentro Feminista Latinoamericano y del Caribe-Chile, 1996" escrita por Virginia Vargas Valente, en colaboración con Lucy Garrido, y el documento de cierre del taller de las autónomas presentado en dicho Encuentro, titulado "Profundización del feminismo autónomo". ; Eje 3: Corrientes feministas ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Reseña del libro "DEVENIR PERRA", de Itziar Ziga

Since the emergence of #NiUnaMenos [Not One Less] in 2015, feminism has become widespread in Argentina. Nowadays, actions such as to identify oneself as a feminist, to cite her slogans, to use her handkerchiefs, to hold her flags, are no longer conceived as minority, elitist or radicalized practices. In this essay we aim to offer an exploratory account of the conditions that have made this unusual scenario possible. In particular, we consider how the heterogeneous groups that gathered under the scream 'Ni Una Menos!' have become part of a feminist 'us'. That is, what were the conditions that enabled the current expansion of what is known as the green and violet tide of feminism? How have the feminists? demands articulated multiple claims and dimensions of social protest related to economic, social, cultural and racial issues? With these questions in mind, we will begin by exploring how this expansion has been addressed by the existing literature, focusing on the approach of Graciela Di Marco, in whose view this process must be understood within the framework of the successful construction of a 'feminist people'. Taking on this approach? while nonetheless marking our differences? we will go on to explain the conditions that from our perspective enabled feminism to become popular. Firstly, we will point to the relationship that feminist groups have established with human rights activism since the early 80s. Later, we will direct attention to the effects of displacement resulting from the political articulation that took place in the new millennium between human rights groups and the political force that was in government for almost a decade, Kirchnerism. As we will show, this political process decisively affected the feminist movements and the positions they hold in the social and political arena at the present time. ; Fil: Martínez Prado, Natalia. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades. Centro de Investigaciones María Saleme Burnichón; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Instituto de Humanidades. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Instituto de Humanidades; Argentina ; Fil: Barros, Mercedes María. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Patagonia Norte. Instituto de Investigaciones en Diversidad Cultural y Procesos de Cambio. Universidad Nacional de Río Negro. Instituto de Investigaciones en Diversidad Cultural y Procesos de Cambio; Argentina