This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 License. It is free to read, download and share on Elgaronline.com. This ground-breaking book makes visible the global counter-movement for environmental justice, combining ecological economics and political ecology. Using 500 in-depth empirical analyses from the Atlas of Environmental Justice, Martínez-Alier analyses the commonalities shared by environmental defenders and offenders respectively
Se analizan la ideología corporativista y las instituciones del régimen franquista. El corporativismo fue más una idea que una realidad, porque el Estado interfirió destruyendo las bases para que existiera una representación real de los diferentes intereses sociales. Por el contrario, el nuevo régimen democrático ha fomentado el sistema corporativo, principalmente en lo que concierne a la política de ingresos, basado en un acuerdo tripartito entre los nuevos sindicatos, las nuevas asociaciones empesariales y el Estado. Se analiza la diferencia entre un corporativismo autoritario y otro liberal, y si las críticas Keynesianas a la política económica dañarán el consenso neocorporativo que se ha producido en España.
Unidad de excelencia María de Maeztu CEX2019-000940-M ; Altres ajuts: Acord transformatiu CRUE-CSIC ; This article describes the origins of the terms "environmental justice" and "environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous" since the 1980s. In 2012 the collection of "ecological distribution conflicts" (EDC) in an Atlas of Environmental Justice (the EJAtlas) started. The EJAtlas reached 3350 entries by January 2021. Such conflicts arise because the industrial economy is not circular, it is entropic. Since the industrial economy is entropic, it continuously looks for new energy and material sources at the "commodity extraction frontiers", and for waste disposal sites. There are counter-movements of resistance, which become also "valuation system contests" since the participants in such movements (environmental organizations, indigenous peoples, peasants, neighbors and citizens) display different values. Examples recorded in the EJAtlas are given from different continents while answering the questions: Why did the world movement for environmental justice come into being, and which type of social movement is it? The relevance of the EJAtlas for research on comparative, statistical political ecology but also on business economics and management, is noticed.
In political ecology there is need for more empirical work on the large world resistance movement born from the environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous. The environmental conflicts collected in the Environmental Justice Atlas (www.ejatlas.org), 3,300 in October 2020 include about 130 from Mexico and 120 from Central America and the Caribbean, each one with a data sheet of 5 to 6 pages. This article puts Mexico aside because it is well covered in this issue of Ecología Política. I focus on Central America and the Caribbean briefly analyzing about twenty conflicts. Many of them are failures in environmental justice but some are encouragingly successful: for instance, Pacific Rim in El Salvador; Cerro Blanco in Guatemala and El Salvador; Crucitas in Costa Rica, and the Canal of Nicaragua that seemingly has been stopped. Also cases against Cemex in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, the maroon people of Cockpit Country in Jamaica against bauxite mining, and Vieques in Puerto Rio against militarization. In the Conclusion I list some characteristics of the political ecology of the region.
The industrial economy is not circular, it is entropic, therefore requiring new supplies of energy and materials extracted from the "commodity frontiers", and producing polluting waste. Therefore, ecological distribution conflicts arise. The Global Atlas of Environmental Justice is an online inventory of such ecological distribution conflicts based on scholarly and activist knowledge. It reached 3200 entries by July 2020 (ejtlas.org) allowing research on such conflicts in the field of comparative, statistical political ecology. The EJAtlas is used for research but also for university teaching in the environmental social sciences and in business economics and management. It is a unique instrument co-produced with and supporting environmental movements. One can do comparative analyses on the social actors involved in the conflicts and their forms of mobilization, and also on the behaviour of private or public companies. Research may focus on countries or regions but also on cross-cultural topics such as gold and copper mining, sand mining, dams, eucalyptus or oil palm plantations, incinerators and other methods of waste disposal, coal fired power plants, gas fracking, nuclear reactors, CAFOs. Analyses are done also on the cross- cultural expressions (slogans, banners, documentaries, murals) of the conflicts gathered in the EJAtlas. The wealth of research coming from the EJAtlas gives an affirmative answer to the question: Is there a global environmental justice movement? Making old or emergent conflicts more visible contributes to placing political ecology at the centre of politics.
The industrial economy is not circular, it is entropic, therefore requiring new supplies of energy and materials extracted from the "commodity frontiers", and producing polluting waste. Therefore, ecological distribution conflicts arise. The Global Atlas of Environmental Justice is an online inventory of such ecological distribution conflicts based on scholarly and activist knowledge. It reached 3200 entries by July 2020 (ejtlas.org) allowing research on such conflicts in the field of comparative, statistical political ecology. The EJAtlas is used for research but also for university teaching in the environmental social sciences and in business economics and management. It is a unique instrument co-produced with and supporting environmental movements. One can do comparative analyses on the social actors involved in the conflicts and their forms of mobilization, and also on the behaviour of private or public companies. Research may focus on countries or regions but also on cross-cultural topics such as gold and copper mining, sand mining, dams, eucalyptus or oil palm plantations, incinerators and other methods of waste disposal, coal fired power plants, gas fracking, nuclear reactors, CAFOs. Analyses are done also on the cross- cultural expressions (slogans, banners, documentaries, murals) of the conflicts gathered in the EJAtlas. The wealth of research coming from the EJAtlas gives an affirmative answer to the question: Is there a global environmental justice movement? Making old or emergent conflicts more visible contributes to placing political ecology at the centre of politics.
The industrial economy is not circular, it is entropic, therefore requiring new supplies of energy and materials extracted from the "commodity frontiers", and producing polluting waste. Therefore, ecological distribution conflicts arise. The Global Atlas of Environmental Justice is an online inventory of such ecological distribution conflicts based on scholarly and activist knowledge. It reached 3200 entries by July 2020 (ejtlas.org) allowing research on such conflicts in the field of comparative, statistical political ecology. The EJAtlas is used for research but also for university teaching in the environmental social sciences and in business economics and management. It is a unique instrument co-produced with and supporting environmental movements. One can do comparative analyses on the social actors involved in the conflicts and their forms of mobilization, and also on the behaviour of private or public companies. Research may focus on countries or regions but also on cross-cultural topics such as gold and copper mining, sand mining, dams, eucalyptus or oil palm plantations, incinerators and other methods of waste disposal, coal fired power plants, gas fracking, nuclear reactors, CAFOs. Analyses are done also on the cross- cultural expressions (slogans, banners, documentaries, murals) of the conflicts gathered in the EJAtlas. The wealth of research coming from the EJAtlas gives an affirmative answer to the question: Is there a global environmental justice movement? Making old or emergent conflicts more visible contributes to placing political ecology at the centre of politics.
Investigadors de l'Institut de Ciència i Tecnologia Ambientals (ICTA) de la UAB han publicat a la revista Ecological Economics un dossier especial -Social Metabolism, Ecological Distribution Conflicts, and Valuation Languages- que analitza les relacions entre l'economia ecològica i l'ecologia política, fruit de recerques realitzades a indrets on l'extracció de recursos naturals i la contaminació produeixen conflictes econòmics, ecològics, culturals i socials importants. ; Investigadors de l'Institut de Ciència i Tecnologia Ambientals (ICTA) de la UAB han publicat a la revista Ecological Economics un dossier especial - Social Metabolism, Ecological Distribution Conflicts, and Valuation Languages- que analitza les relacions entre l'economia ecològica i l'ecologia política, fruit de recerques realitzades a indrets on l'extracció de recursos naturals i la contaminació produeixen conflictes econòmics, ecològics, culturals i socials importants. ; Researchers from the UAB Institute of Environmental Science and Technology (ICTA) and other universities have published a special section in the journal Ecological Economics analysing the link between ecological economics and political ecology. This issue stems from the institute's research on impacts and resistance at "commodity frontiers", where extraction of natural resources and disposal of toxic wastes produce a range of economic, environmental, cultural and social conflicts.
