Suchergebnisse

Around the world, the historical evolution of television follows every country's history and is closely related to the structures of every society within which it operates. In Cyprus, broadcasting remained under the direct control of the state for more than thirty years while significant political events can be associated with changes in the audiovisual media landscape. Public service broadcasting (PSB) television was established in 1957, only three years before the country denounced British colonialism and became an independent Republic, under the auspices and guidance of the BBC. For thirty-five years, the one and only PSB television channel was predominating the country's broadcasting sector and it was only in 1992 that private television channels were allowed to operate. As expected, broadcasting suffered a series of political demerits that left narrow margins for growth and technological development. This article presents a historical overview of the evolution of television in the country in accordance to the specific historical artefacts that took place and generated a series of disadvantages still reflecting upon the Cypriot private broadcasting sector. The aim of the article is to present the interrelation between private broadcasting and politics and its current aftermath in Cyprus. Through a comparative analysis of different surveys (conducted after 2000) depicting the audience's points of view regarding private and PSB television, this study highlights the specific characteristics, structures and vulnerabilities of the current broadcasting sector in Cyprus.

Around the world, the historical evolution of television follows every country's history and is closely related to the structures of every society within which it operates. In Cyprus, broadcasting remained under the direct control of the state for more than thirty years while significant political events can be associated with changes in the audiovisual media landscape. Public service broadcasting (PSB) television was established in 1957, only three years before the country denounced British colonialism and became an independent Republic, under the auspices and guidance of the BBC. For thirty-five years, the one and only PSB television channel was predominating the country's broadcasting sector and it was only in 1992 that private television channels were allowed to operate. As expected, broadcasting suffered a series of political demerits that left narrow margins for growth and technological development. This article presents a historical overview of the evolution of television in the country in accordance to the specific historical artefacts that took place and generated a series of disadvantages still reflecting upon the Cypriot private broadcasting sector. The aim of the article is to present the interrelation between private broadcasting and politics and its current aftermath in Cyprus. Through a comparative analysis of different surveys (conducted after 2000) depicting the audience's points of view regarding private and PSB television, this study highlights the specific characteristics, structures and vulnerabilities of the current broadcasting sector in Cyprus.

This article examines significant changes in the television news industry, from 2015 until 2019, a period characterized by a severe financial crisis that swept throughout the country, bringing to the forefront of the Greek public sphere, new political voices of both the right and the left. Using secondary data to examine media ownership patterns, we adopted a political economic approach to highlight the ways in which television news have adopted a populist outlook that has its origins in similar practices in the 1980s political and media contexts, while reviewing and assessing long-term interactions between media (television) industries and the political system.

Abstract
This paper draws evidence from a national survey conducted in the Republic of Cyprus. Respondents provided evidence about their own self-promotion on social media while assessing other users' personal salience online. Furthermore, they provided evidence about their own reactions toward other people's personal salience. The study shows that respondents display affective, perceptional, as well as behavioral reactions toward other people's online visibility. Demographic characteristics along with certain types of control variables are associated with individuals' personal salience. Although transferring personal salience constitutes a segmented social media influence, this survey shows that it is recognized as a widespread objective and priority by ordinary individuals.

AbstractThis article discusses the relationship between the post-2008 global economic crisis and trauma journalism through a quantitative study of reporters covering austerity's everyday manifestations and examines the effects on the media professionals involved. The findings indicate that journalists who cover economic crisis-related incidents suffer specific symptoms of trauma. As such, the study re-conceptualizes the economic crisis as primarily affective for media workers, it establishes a direct correlation between the economic crisis and emotional trauma, and provides an insight into the kind of trauma that stems from covering austerity and its impact on society. A regression analysis of symptoms indicates trauma journalism as an emerging field of research into the economic crisis.

This experiment was designed to explore people's critical, differentiating capacity between actual news and content that looks like news. Four groups of post-millennials read four versions of a news story. While the first condition included a real news story derived from a mainstream medium, the other three conditions tested three attributes of fakeness, namely an exaggerated, satirical, and popularised frame of disinformation. Although readers differentiated between satire and the actual news story, no significant differences were observed between exaggerated and simplified versions of news and the actual news story. Additional intervening variables were scrutinized, showing a connection between the salience of a story and its perceptions of fakeness.

While the phenomenon of selfie photographs in the media has been extensively analysed by academics, Selfie Journalism was recently introduced and constitutes one of the most notable phenomena within the digital media environment, raising a number of issues relating to notions of infotainment and impartial reporting, especially in 'difficult' sectors, such as politics. This paper identifies the specific characteristics of Selfie Journalism in political reporting. Based on both quantitative and qualitative research, the study analyses these characteristics in the period of parliamentary elections of 2016 in Cyprus. The aim of the study is dual: first, to examine the extensive use of Selfie Journalism by candidates themselves in political campaigning and, secondly, to examine the impact of this phenomenon upon the media and, in turn, media engagement in such political tactics. The greater scope of this study evolves around the argument that Selfie Journalism, as a new species of participatory journalism, has penetrated the media in an effort to attract larger audiences.

This paper analyzes the relationship between athletes and politics and especially the case of athletes with active political life in Greece. The study, although begins from a general theoretical framework, focuses on athletes (well-known and/or for their Olympic Achievements) who have been promoted by the media, are well known and have been involved in the Greek political arena. The study begins from the hypothesis that sports, as a cultural factor and vector, participate in the procedure of constructing the collective and social representations and help in shaping the public opinion. In this context, we will investigate the role of the media for the promotion of sports and sports global events, their contribution in constructing sports idols (sports star system, 'Semi-Gods', according to Morin, 1972) and some stereotypical attitudes and behaviors. We will conclude by highlighting the political attention given to the sports via the above processes as a factor of exercising political power. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamas santykis tarp atletų ir politikos, o ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas atletams, aktyviai dalyvaujantiems Graikijos politiniame gyvenime. Nors straipsnis prasideda nuo bendrų teorinių pagrindų, dėmesys sutelkiamas į atletus (gerai žinomus ir dėl jų olimpinių laimėjimų), kurie yra žiniasklaidos reklamuojami ir dalyvauja Graikijos politiniame gyvenime. Tyrimas prasideda nuo hipotezės, kad sportas, kaip kultūros veiksnys ir vektorius, dalyvauja konstruojant kolektyvinį ir socialinį reprezentavimą, taip prisidėdamas prie visuomenės nuomonės formavimo. Šiame kontekste straipsnio autoriai nagrinėja žiniasklaidos vaidmenį reklamuojant sportą ir pasaulinius sporto renginius, kartu ir žiniasklaidos indėlį formuojant sporto stabus (sporto žvaigždės sistema, "pusdieviai", anot Morin (1972) ir kai kuriuos stereotipinius požiūrius bei elgseną.

This paper analyzes the relationship between athletes and politics and especially the case of athletes with active political life in Greece. The study, although begins from a general theoretical framework, focuses on athletes (well-known and/or for their Olympic Achievements) who have been promoted by the media, are well known and have been involved in the Greek political arena. The study begins from the hypothesis that sports, as a cultural factor and vector, participate in the procedure of constructing the collective and social representations and help in shaping the public opinion. In this context, we will investigate the role of the media for the promotion of sports and sports global events, their contribution in constructing sports idols (sports star system, 'Semi-Gods', according to Morin, 1972) and some stereotypical attitudes and behaviors. We will conclude by highlighting the political attention given to the sports via the above processes as a factor of exercising political power.

This article introduces the concept of visual infotainment, the aspects of infotainment found in visual artefacts employed in the news. Using a case study, we examine the photographs published in the digital media to report on the negotiations between the Greek- and Turkish-Cypriot communities, which took place in 2016 and 2017. A four-level visual framing analysis is used to identify a consistent set of frames. It aims to identify the political ideologies that appear to be behind the visual infotainment in these pictorial reports, and the specific ways in which hard news can be transformed into soft news. Our research confirms the presence of visual infotainment elements of personalisation, emotion, morbidity and sensationalism. Overall, the study shows that visual infotainment serves to establish visual frames produced by and for contradictory propagandas, one of which favours ethnic nationalism while the other promotes confl ict resolution.

This paper discusses the role and utilization of journalistic sources in the process of communicating the transitional path of a society in crisis towards economic and sustainable growth. It is mainly concerned with the general tendency of the press to display a high degree of manipulation of public opinion by reduction of the diversity of sources and/or their misuse. Cyprus was selected as a case study not only because newspapers still play a dominant role in shaping public opinion in contrast to New Media, but also because sustainable growth has been the basic argument and rhetoric in governmental communication policy, which promoted it as one of the main means in overcoming the ongoing economic/banking crisis the country has been facing since the bailout of the banking sector in 2013. The aim of this research is to examine which categories of journalistic sources shape this topic in the current public sphere and the ways journalists perceive and practice the utilization of their sources. Content analysis has been employed as the basic methodological tool, while a questionnaire survey on journalists of the national press was additionally conducted in order to explain these findings and conclude the study.