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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Contributors -- Preface -- 1 Beyond Prejudice: Moving from Positive and Negative Evaluations to Differentiated Reactions to Social Groups -- 2 Social Self-Discrepancies and Group-Based Emotional Distress -- 3 Promotion and Prevention Forms of Ingroup Bias -- 4 Antecedents and Consequences of Collective Guilt -- 5 Intergroup Emotions and Self-Categorization: The Impact of Perspective-Taking on Reactions to Victims of Harmful Behavior -- 6 Intergroup Encounters and Threat: A Multi-Method Approach -- 7 Experiencing Intergroup Emotions -- 8 Expressing Emotions and Decoding Them: Ingroups and Outgroups Do Not Share the Same Advantages -- 9 The Role of Affect in Determining Intergroup Behavior: The Case of Willingness to Engage in Intergroup Contact -- 10 Close Encounters of the Suspicious Kind: Outgroup Paranoia in Hierarchical Trust Dilemmas -- 11 The Role of Threat in Intergroup Relations -- 12 Intergroup Emotions and Images -- 13 The System Justification Motive in Intergroup Relations -- 14 Emotions Up and Down: Intergroup Emotions Result from Perceived Status and Competition -- 15 Intergroup Emotions: A Biocultural Approach -- 16 Commentary -- Index.

Group-based emotions are experienced as a result of group categorization and group identification. We first review the transformative idea that emotion can occur as a group-level phenomenon driven by group-level processes. We then briefly review the impact of this idea on research about intragroup processes and intergroup relations in the decades since 1998. We conclude by raising some questions whose answers would further extend the reach and predictive power of group-based emotions in both intragroup and intergroup contexts.

A commitment framework based on Moreland and Levine's theory of socialization in groups (Levine & Moreland, 1994; Moreland & Levine, 1982, 2000) is applied to the previously neglected problem of group exit. Specifically, an ex-member's desire to rejoin a former group is predicted from two factors: (1) the ex-member's commitment to his or her former group; and (2) the ex-member's perception of his or her former group's commitment to him or her. This framework is tested using both recollections of real-life experiences and experimentally constructed groups. Results suggest that an ex-member's desire to rejoin a former group is determined most proximally by the ex-member's commitment to the former group, but that the ex-member's commitment can be affected by perceptions of the former group's commitment. These results suggest that Moreland and Levine's framework provides a viable theory-based starting point for more extensive study of group exit.

In two experiments participants saw stereotype-incongruent information that was either high or low in variability. Following exposure participants generated distributions of group members from which central tendency and variability information was calculated. The comprehensive retrieval model (Garcia-Marques & Mackie, 1999) predicted greater change in perceived dispersion following high versus low variability incongruent information, but greater central tendency change following low versus high variability exposure. In Experiment 1 participants generated more variable distributions after exposure to high versus low variability inconsistent information and showed greater central tendency revision in the low compared to high variability condition, supporting predictions. These effects were replicated in Experiment 2, which demonstrated similar effects for congruent information.

Three experiments investigated the effects of positive mood on perceptions of variability within and between groups. Participants formed impressions of two different and highly variable groups under a neutral or positive mood. When participants expected to learn about both groups, positive mood increased perceived intergroup similarity but did not affect perceived intragroup variability. In contrast, when participants expected to learn about only one group, judgments of intergroup and intragroup similarity were both affected by mood. Mood and the intergroup context influenced the nature and degree of information processing and resultant judgments of variability in social groups.

Three experiments investigated the effects of positive mood on perceptions of variability within and between groups. Participants formed impressions of two different and highly variable groups under a neutral or positive mood. When participants expected to learn about both groups, positive mood increased perceived intergroup similarity but did not affect perceived intragroup variability. In contrast, when participants expected to learn about only one group, judgments of intergroup and intragroup similarity were both affected by mood. Mood and the intergroup context influenced the nature and degree of information processing and resultant judgments of variability in social groups.

Two broad distal causes of prejudice are past history of intergroup contact and general political predispositions. Two studies investigate the extent to which these effects are mediated by emotions directed at the outgroup, as proposed by Intergroup Emotions Theory (Smith, 1993). In both studies, past intergroup contact and Social Dominance Orientation predict prejudice. as measured either by a feeling thermometer or the Modern Racism Scale. Furthermore, for both studies these effects are significantly mediated by intergroup emotions, above and beyond measures of stereotypes (stereotype endorsement in Study 1 and stereotype knowledge in Study 2) that were entered as alternative potential mediators. Stereotype endorsement also plays a significant mediational role in one case. Increased attention to the role of emotions in intergroup relations, including in the mediation of such powerful and well-known effects as those of intergroup contact and political predispositions, appears to be warranted.

Using an engaging narrative, this textbook demonstrates how social processes are inherently interconnected by uniquely applying underlying and unifying principles throughout the text. With its comprehensive coverage of classic and contemporary research-illustrated with real-world examples from many disciplines, including medicine, law, and education-Social Psychology 4th Edition connects theory and application, providing undergraduate students with a deeper and more holistic understanding of the factors that influence social behaviors.

People's emotional states often depend on the emotions of others. Consequently, to predict their own responses to social interactions (i.e., affective forecasts), we contend that people predict the emotional states of others (i.e., empathic forecasts). We propose that empathic forecasts are vulnerable to stereotype biases and demonstrate that stereotypes about the different emotional experiences of race (Experiment 1) and sex groups (Experiment 2) bias empathic forecasts. Path modeling in both studies demonstrates that stereotype-biased empathic forecasts regarding how a target individual will feel during a social interaction are associated with participants' affective forecasts of how they will feel during that interaction with the target person. These affective forecasts, in turn, predict behavioral intentions for the social interaction before it even begins. Stereotypes can therefore indirectly bias affective forecasts by first influencing the empathic forecasts that partly constitute them. In turn, these potentially biased affective forecasts determine social behaviors.

Three studies investigated the role of intergroup satisfaction in intergroup conflict. After reading about real acts of aggression committed by an ingroup, participants reported how those actions made them feel and how much they would support similar aggression in the future. In all three studies, experiencing intergroup satisfaction increased support for similar aggression, whereas experiencing intergroup guilt decreased support for similar aggression. Study 2 showed that ingroup identification increased justification appraisals, which increased satisfaction and decreased guilt, and thus increased support for future aggression. Study 3 provided an experimental test of the model: when justification appraisals were manipulated, emotion and support for further aggression changed accordingly. These findings demonstrate conditions under which intergroup satisfaction can facilitate and sustain intergroup conflict.

Three studies investigated the role of intergroup satisfaction in intergroup conflict. After reading about real acts of aggression committed by an ingroup, participants reported how those actions made them feel and how much they would support similar aggression in the future. In all three studies, experiencing intergroup satisfaction increased support for similar aggression, whereas experiencing intergroup guilt decreased support for similar aggression. Study 2 showed that ingroup identification increased justification appraisals, which increased satisfaction and decreased guilt, and thus increased support for future aggression. Study 3 provided an experimental test of the model: when justification appraisals were manipulated, emotion and support for further aggression changed accordingly. These findings demonstrate conditions under which intergroup satisfaction can facilitate and sustain intergroup conflict.

We tested three hypotheses derived from intergroup emotions theory: that group-based emotions, emotions felt as a member of a group, (1) are influenced by group norms, (2) especially for highly identified group members, and (3) are relatively more positive for highly identified members. Hypothesis 4 tested the prediction that these self-categorization, normative influence, and identification processes hold across memberships in exemplars of intimacy, task, and social category groups, which differ from one another in structural and functional characteristics. Two studies using three different samples found strong consistent support for Hypotheses 1 and 3, and only partial support for Hypothesis 2 (high identification increased the power of group norms on group-based emotions about only negative events). These findings held across multiple exemplars of the three group types, regardless of whether group-based emotions were targeted or untargeted, and regardless of whether emotion norms were empirically derived or based on group members' perceptions.