Suchergebnisse

The paper attempts to give an idea of the Italian political scene on the eve and after the extraordinary parliamentary elections in September 2022. The causes of the political crisis are analyzed and it is pointed out that by the level of political tension and intensity the elections in 2022 can be compared with the first parliamentary elections in the country in 1948. In the course of the election campaign political opponents of the centre-right coalition used the tools of labeling, the main of which were «friends of Putin», «populist», «neofascist». The article analyses these discursive techniques, and concludes that the left-wing forces in modern Italy, first of all the Democratic Party, are in a crisis, both in terms of ideology and leadership. The programme of the centre-right coalition and its ideas are considered separately; it is pointed out that the document contains a lot of «left» proposals related to the social support of citizens. The author analyses the reasons for the victory of the centre-right coalition and, in particular, of G. Meloni, highlighting the high social demand for change as the main factor behind the victory of the «Brothers of Italy».

In November 2021 Italy and France signed the Quirinal Treaty for a Strengthened Bilateral Cooperation. The document suggested the emergence of the Rome - Paris - Berlin triangle following the Aachen Treaty concluded in 2019 between France and Germany. The Quirinal Treaty has a high significance for Italy. Firstly, it secures its place among the leaders of the EU. Secondly, the Treaty strengthens Rome's credibility, portraying Italy as a trustworthy country. Thirdly, the agreement lays the basis for regular bilateral interaction. In the absence of hard commitments fulfillment of the Treaty depends on domestic affairs and international agenda of the political leaders. The volatility of Italian politics may affect the integrity of the alliance. There has been a dramatic change of attitude to the Quirinal Treaty under the premiership of G. Meloni, which has a direct impact on its implementation. At the same time the Quirinal Treaty fails to resolve some serious differences between the two countries, including the Libyan case and the migration issue. Moreover, this bilateral agreement threatens to place Rome in a subordinate position. In the current political configuration France is at an advantage in light of concluded treaties with both Italy and Germany.

It has always been important for Italian foreign policy to have a political weight both in the EU and in the Mediterranean. The country is trying to play on several boards, building different configurations, and does not limit itself solely to the ideas of the Rome – Paris – Berlin triangle. Realizing their vulnerability and the danger of being in a subordinate position among France and Germany, Italy is relying on the «Mediterranean card», building an informal union of the countries of Southern Europe (Italy, Spain, Greece, Cyprus, Malta, Portugal). With G. Meloni becoming primeminister, the Mediterranean continues to be in the rank of priority areas of Italy's foreign policy. Playing the «Mediterranean card» is now easier because countries are creating the image of a common enemy for Europe. Despite attempts to consolidate informal cooperation between the countries of Southern Europe around the Mediterranean, it is not quite successful due to the economic weakness of the countries and the lack of proper political authority. However, there is tactical cooperation in the context of inter-Mediterranean energy cooperation, where Italy is achieving a coordinating role. After the British withdrawal from the EU, Rome is keen to take over the British seat, which could also strengthen the country's role in the Mediterranean. The main competitor, jealous of Italy's claim to leadership in both the EU and the Mediterranean, is France; the sub-regional competitor in the Mediterranean is Spain, which does not currently have enough resources to pursue its political ambitions.

The article analyses the cross-border cooperation between the Northern Calotte states (Finland, Norway, Sweden) and the North-West of Russia within the framework of the Kolarctic program. Nowadays, in the context of the sanctions and counter-sanctions between Russia and the EU, cross-border cooperation is one of the few channels for dialogue between them. The paper analyses the EU Kolarctic program regarding the macro-political context of the EU policy and its environmental, Arctic and border dimensions in particular. The author reveals that the EU has neither Arctic territories nor sufficient tools for political influence in the Arctic region, however, its interest in the region is continuously growing. The EU regards its participation in the Arctic agenda primarily in the context of obtaining observer status in the Arctic Council. European Union expresses concern about climate change and environmental degradation, while seeking to increase imports of energy from the region. The author comes to the conclusion that in addition to the task of reducing the periphery of territories, the EU also pursues the political goals through the program. For instance, strengthening the political presence of the EU in the Arctic region as well as to strengthening its role as a global leader on environmental issues.

Throughout the years of the existence of the Italian Republic, the country's political system has been characterized by both periods of stability and turbulence. The article presents a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of the Italian party-political system and political landscape, macrotendencies of Italian politics from the First Republic (1948) to the present. The research highlights the main features of each period. The authors reflect on the possible emergence of the Third Republic in Italy. The study is relevant in view of the growing government crisis in the Italian Republic, aggravated by the epidemiological situation. Among the main trends that characterize the modern political system, the authors underline increasing heterogeneity, the emergence of coalitions that are formed not in accordance with political programs and political values, but with the political situation based on the principle "here and now"; tendency towards personification of parties, and increasing fragmentation of political spectrum. This gives a ground to deliberate on a possible existence in Italy of "liquid politics" (politica liquida) as a state of continuous political system "melting and overflowing" in the absence of a clear ideological delimitation ‒ one of the stages at which a new political reality is being constructed.