Suchergebnisse

Examines the black fundamentalist nationalism of Louis Farrakhan & the possible consequences of his movement's collaboration with white supremacists, in particular, Lyndon LaRouche. Focus is on commonalities in the ideologies of each group. The development of core themes of black nationalism (racial separatism, conservative economics, anticommunism) in the ideas of Martin Delany, Marcus Garvey, & W. E. B. Du Bois & their reflection in the Nation of Islam are discussed. It is shown how Elijah Muhammad pursued these goals by cultivating relationships with conservative politicians & white supremacist groups sharing similarly reactionary views. The reflection of these views & goals by Louis Farrakhan in his relationship with LaRouche is analyzed. T. Arnold

Argues that the marginalization of African Americans politically, socially, & economically reflects a breakdown of the democratic process in contemporary US society & a polarization of economic strata, or class, which continues to assail the relationship between the state & its citizenry. In the African American community, opposition to these trends lacks inclusive focus; the black liberation movement must reemphasize community, class, & gender in a fashion that is inclusive of other disadvantaged segments of the US. Further, African American intellectuals must take an active role in educating & empowering this social movement. J. Goldshmidt

The civil rights national mobilization culminating in the 28 Aug 1993 march on Washington, DC, is examined, underlining both its significance in terms of the history of the US black movement & the implications for its future. In addition to celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the apex of the movement, the deeply felt need to fight the political apathy of younger generations was the main motivating force of the mobilization. While the event represented a transitional moment in the history of black America, the forces that gathered included a wide variety of political & social concerns, some of them clearly conflicting. This, in turn, translated into tensions within the leadership between competing views of the best strategy to achieve democratic reforms. R. Jaramillo

Argues that only a race/class synthesis can provide the basis on which all the oppressed communities of the US can equally unite.

THE 1983 ELECTION OF HAROLD WASHINGTON AS MAYOR OF CHICAGO REPRESENTED THE FRUITION OF BLACK SOCIAL REFORM CURRENTS WITHIN THE CITY'S TURBULENT POLITICAL HISTORY. BLACK CHICAGO WAS DOMINATED FOR DECADES BY REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC MACHINES. ECONOMICALLY, BLACKS EXPERIENCED PERMANENTLY HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT RATES AND SEVERE INCOME INEQUALITY. INITIALLY, BLACK MIDDLE CLASS LEADERS FOLLOWED A POLICY OF ACCOMMODATION TO THE DOMINANT ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INTERESTS. THIS STRATEGY WAS OVERTURNED IN THE 1970S AND 1980S, AS BLACK REFORMIST ELITES, WORKERS AND THE UNEMPLOYED USED THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM TO CHALLENGE THE STATUS QUO. THE LONG-TERM SUCCESS OF WASHINGTON WILL DEPEND UPON A CONTINUED MASS MOBILIZATION OF BLACK LABOR.

THE CLASSIC STATEMENT OF W.E.B. DUBOIS--THAT THE AFROAMERICAN POSSESSES "TWO SOULS, TWO THOUGHTS, TWO UNRECONCILED STRIVINGS; TWO WARRING IDEALS IN ONE DARK BODY, WHOSE DOGGED STRENGTH ALONE KEEPS IT FROM BEING TOWN ASUNDER:-STILL DEFINES THE CULTURAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL FOUNDATIONS OF MODERN BLACK POLITICAL ACTIVISM AND THOUGHT.