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In spite of the fact that the religious issue seems to be of major interest to the pol'al analysts & to the churchmen, there is little evidence that it will be decisive for the voters themselves. It is possible to argue that Smith did as well or even better than one would have expected a Democrat to do in 1928, & that his religious affiliation may have been an asset at the polls. In 1928 the real issue was Prohibition. Smith advocated repeal & Hoover supported its retention. This is found in a detailed ecological study of the 1928 voting pattern by 2 sociol'ts, William Ogburn & Nell Talbot (Soc. Forces, Dec, 1929). 3 decades after Smith's defeat, the revived possibility of a Catholic nominee for President led the pollsters to investigate the connection between religious feeling & vote preference. In 1958, the Gallup Poll found that 34% of Protestants interviewed would not vote for a Catholic or a Jew: of the Jews interviewed, only 6% opposed the possibility of a Catholic President. When Catholics were asked whether they would change party lines to support a Catholic candidate. 52% said they might shift parties & 37% said they would not. The 2 major non-Protestant religious groups (26% Catholics & 4%, Jewish) of the Amer Electorate should therefore give 75 to 80% of their vote to a Catholic presidential candidate. Class background for Protestants is more important a factor in party allegiance than for Catholics & Jews. The majority of the Protestant workers are Democrats. The Mc Uc are preponderantly Republican. When entering the ballot box many Protestants are likely to find the idea of voting for a Republican more repugnant than voting for a Catholic. V. D. Sanu<.

This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1950

"The election of 1980 did more than break the Democrats' control of the White House and Congress. It also shattered some important assumptions about the character of our voting coalitions and the condition of our political parties. It opened some possibilities for the remainder of the century that had not been there before." These reflections by David S. Broder in the introduction to Party Coalitions in the 1980s are echoed in the essays of the twenty-one scholars, party leaders, and candidates in the volume.This book presents a detailed and lively discussion of the past history, present significance, and future implications of coalitions in the American two-party political system. Patrick H. Caddell observed that "Reagan has skillfully huddled a variety of conservative program and issue initiatives under the umbrella of'economic revitalization.'" In that vein, Richard B. Wirthlin argued that "the 1980 presidential election should be viewed as a major. opportunity to redraft the policy agenda of this country." Realizing that change is one of the few constants in politics, Lipset and his colleagues set forth strategies and guideposts for Republicans and Democrats who sought to build winning coalitions for the elections of the 1980s."--Provided by publisher