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"It would be an understatement to say that the fate of Mercedes-Benz in China has undergone drastic changes over the past 50 years. In Mao's China in the 1970s, Mercedes cars were a rarity, and only the very top government officials rode in them. During that period, my family and I lived in a government-military compound in the capital city of Hebei Province, Shijiazhuang. The compound also housed some ten villas for provincial heads and generals. Of the ten top officials, only one general had a Mercedes sedan, which was given to him as a used car. Back then most Mercedes cars in China were brought from Chinese embassies in foreign countries after the ambassadors used them first. The chauffer of the general in the compound was generous in blowing the car's distinctive horn. Hearing the horn and seeing the car was a big privilege for me to brag about with my friends who did not get to live in the compound."

Machine generated contents note: Acknowledgements; 1. Introduction: Why Study Corruption in Countries with Weak Institutional Environments?; 2. Bribe Takers: Types of Corruption and Their Effects on Efficiency; 3. Bribe Payers: Why Do People Pay? What Do They Get? Can They Refuse To Pay?; 4. When Public Rules Meet Private Relations: The Importance of Governance Environment; 5. Why Some Societies Thrive despite Corruption: A Relation-Based Explanation; 6. Corruption And Anticorruption: Two Legs Supporting Dictatorships; 7. Paths to Transition Away from Corruption; 8. The Globalization of Corruption by Countries with Weak Institutional Environments; 9. Conclusion: Challenges And Hopes in Fighting Corruption Globally; References; Index.

Perhaps the most challenging question in research, for students and young scholars, is how to go about identifying a research topic that is interesting and that may lead to findings that are new and significant. My criteria for good research is that the arguments and findings should be important (nontrivial) and should not be obvious (the "Aha! moment"). The best research articles are ones that cause the experts in the field to change their views. In this case study, I build on a research project that my student and I conducted on corruption to show the steps that we used to identify a research topic that we believe is important and interesting. The steps that I identify are (a) pay attention to questions raised in the lower-level classes, (b) do not be afraid to be a contrarian, (c) do not be confined by the literature when developing a research topic, and (d) leverage your own life experience in research to be insightful without losing generalizability. An exercise is presented to help readers (and students) assess whether a research topic is important and interesting.

Leveraging its absolute power, low human rights advantage, and tolerance by other countries, the Chinese Communist Party has transformed China into a giant corporation. Living and working is not a right, but a privilege granted by the party. State-owned firms are business units or subsidiaries, private firms are joint ventures, and foreign firms are franchisees of the party. 'China, Inc.' enjoys the agility of a firm and the vast resources of a state. Meanwhile, foreign firms competing with Chinese firms can find themselves matched against the mighty Chinese state. The Rise of China, Inc. will interest many readers: it will compel business scholars to rethink state-firm relationships; assist multinational business practitioners in formulating effective strategies; aid policy-makers in countering China's expansion; and inform the public of the massive corporate organization China has become, and how democracies can effectively deal with it. [Amazon.com] ; https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/management_books/1009/thumbnail.jpg

Drawing on twenty years of research and observations, Li explains how bribery and corruption are carried out in countries with weak institutional environments, and how these activities become globalized. By distinguishing rule-based, relation-based and clan-based governance, this book offers a novel explanation to the age-old puzzle of why some countries thrive despite corruption. It also sheds lights on the symbiotic roles corruption and anticorruption campaigns play in maintaining dictatorships. Applying cost-benefit analysis to different governance environments, Li argues that as non-rule-based economies expand, the transition from relying on private relationships to relying on public rules is inevitable. However, by highlighting the globalization of corruption by non-rule-based countries, this book warns against the potential threats and consequences of bribery by powerful dictatorial governments. This book will appeal to scholars, analysts and graduate students studying corruption, as well as policymakers, business professionals and executives seeking insights into the characteristics of bribery and corruption within different institutional settings. [From Amazon.com] ; https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/management_books/1008/thumbnail.jpg

It is well recognized that intellectual property rights (IPR) violations are at the heart of the economic conflict with China. Little agreement, however, exists about the origin and solutions for this provocation. Broadly speaking, two prescriptions have been proposed: the natural evolutionary and the rule of law views. While both have merits and add to our understanding, they do not go far enough to address the more fundamental IPR policy issue: China has benefited from a rule of law overseas and a rule through law at home, manufacturing unfair advantage to its firms, many of which are owned and/or influenced by the government. While recognizing China's recent effort in improving IPR protection, we point out the intrinsic contradiction in the political economy of China between maintaining the one-party rule, on the one hand, and protecting IPR by an independent court, on the other. Understanding this tension in the application of IPR law can help the international community search for more effective policy options.

The book reviews the way in which art, in the form of posters, was used by Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party to serve their revolution. It centers on the era of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) and discusses the way in which the revolutionary theory of art was formed and mobilized people to use posters to "carry on the revolution to the end," as Mao called them to do. From the propaganda posters used during the Cultural Revolution, the author identifies the features of persuasion and distortion that are most common in these posters: they persuade people to do what they do not want to do, and they distort reality by showing the opposite. Based on his experience as a propaganda artist in Mao's era, the author reviews the evolution of propaganda posters in China from the revolutionary era to today, and discusses what is at the "end" of Mao's revolution – in today's China. [From the back cover] ; https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/management_books/1007/thumbnail.jpg

Since the beginning of China's economic reform in the late 1970s, corruption has been progressing alongside of economic growth. In 2012, when Xi Jinping took power, he waged the largest and longest anticorruption campaign known in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. This study provides an assessment on his campaign and projects an outlook on the future of corruption and anticorruption in China. The author argues that China will enter into an "authoritarian trap," in which the authoritarian power enables the state to effectively carry out the economic reform and achieve economic growth, while suppressing the demand for the rule of law and democratization, resulting in rampant corruption that hurts further economic development and threatens the authoritarian rule. However, eradicating corruption in absence of the rule of law risks returning to Mao's communism, which is not in the best interest of the authoritarian state either. Trapped in this dilemma, China will likely experience stagnation in both economic and political development in the foreseeable future.

2016 marks the 50th anniversary of China's Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). When the revolution started in 1996, I was 9. The ten years of the Cultural Revolution was the most important period for my education. I love painting and drawing. So during the ten years of the Cultural Revolution, I devoted all my time to study art except for the time I was forced to study communist ideology and to do hard labor. According to the communist theory, art is politicalized and is a tool to serve the communist revolutionary goal. During the Cultural Revolution, the politicalization of art reached its peak. I ardently used art to paint propaganda pictures to denounce capitalism. In this article, I will use my own experience to illustrate how art is politicalized during the Cultural Revolution, explain the revolutionary theory of art developed by Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party during the Revolution, and briefly discuss how art and politics intertwine in today's China.

This cartoon-illustrated volume explains why there are so many great differences in the manner that the East and West conduct business. Unlike conventional works on this topic that usually focus on cultural differences, this book uncovers a deeper, more fundamental reason for the differences between East and West. Based on more than 40 original exclusively-created illustrative cartoons, author and illustrator Shaomin Li argues that the East's reliance on private relations and the West's reliance on public rules to conduct business are not merely due to cultural differences. Rather, such differences are related to their different stages of political and economic development… [From Amazon.com] ; https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/management_books/1006/thumbnail.jpg

China has benefited tremendously from replying on the relation-based way of doing business and governance, as evidenced in its rapid economic growth up to now. However, further relying on the relation-based governance may eventually hinder China's economic growth and exacerbate inequality, resulting in political instability. On the other hand, given China's cultural heritage and powerful vested interest groups, can China shed its relation-based way? This article argues from logical, theoretical, and empirical perspectives the inevitability and difficulty of China's transition from relations to rules, and discuss the implications of the transition or the lack of it for China.

Recently scholars have been calling for the loosening up of China's one-child policy, and even the Chinese government has begun to show some willingness to do so. The call is not new. In my doctoral dissertation 25 years ago I first showed that China should allow couples to have two children and could still achieve the same population control goal as the one-child policy. I am glad to see that what I proposed 25 years ago is repeated by many scholars and even acceptable to the Chinese government.