Introduction -- The end of a new beginning: Nigeria's transition, 1999-2015 -- The rational counterterrorist? Economic policy and insurgent insecurity in Nigeria's 2015 presidential campaign -- Voting against violence? Economic uncertainty and physical insecurity in 2015 -- Electoral integrity, ethnic affinity and religious revival in Nigeria's party turnover -- Subnational subversion and institutional stress -- Conclusion
Cover; Half-title; Title page; Copyright information; Dedication; Table of contents; List of tables; List of figures; Preface; Acknowledgments; Introduction; Government Performance in the Literature; The Regime Type Explanation: Does Democracy Deliver?; State Wealth: Poor States, Poor Performance?; Ethnicity Explanations: Primordialism and Parochialism; Leadership; An Alternative Explanation; The Structure of the Book; 1 A Theory of Institutions, Preferences, and Performance; Veto Player Theory: Defining the Terms; A Typology of Veto Players and Criteria for Identifying Them
Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Figures -- Preface -- Notes on Contributors -- Introduction: Subnational Legislative Politics and African Democratic Development -- Section I Nigeria in Comparative Perspective -- 1 Lessons in Fiscal Federalism for Africa's New Oil Exporters -- 2 Taxation and Determinants of Legislative Representation in Africa -- 3 Subnational Legislatures and National Governing Institutions in Nigeria, 1999-2013
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Liberalism advances democratic rights and representation through three principles. First, it seeks to protect individuals from abusive state power. Second, it shares an affinity with the epistemology of the Enlightenment, where an objective world can be discovered and observed. Third, it limits "tyranny of the majority" through civil liberties that counter the weight of public opinion and political rights that enable political competition of ideas. Rapidly evolving demands for recognition in the United States have advanced a broad critique of liberalism, highlighting the boundaries it imposes on representation as well as its limited success protecting rights. This essay traces disenchantment with liberalism to two very different sources: first, many progressives who resent how the jurisprudence of equal opportunity obscures efforts to achieve actual equality reject "anonymity" under the law—removing a core civil rights principle for promoting fairness. Such demands for more explicit rights and representation conflict with the majoritarian model's application of liberalism, which biases cultural assimilation over multicultural integration. Movements for recognition increasingly challenge both assimilation and the institutional devices of multicultural integration. The other source of tension around recognition comes from the right, where populists have set out to revive nativist ideas of coerced assimilation or outright homogenization through exclusion (ie, non-recognition). Such failures of representation have promoted subjectivist views as a credential for contesting facts. The paper argues for "pluralist solidarity" as a tool for reconciling multiculturalism with new rights and demands for recognition emanating from liberalism's traditions of individual liberty. This device aims to help separate the quest for recognition and dignity from the subjectivity that contributes to post-truth politics.
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 56, Heft 4, S. 697-703
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 534-535
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 51, Heft 4, S. 722-724
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 126, Heft 4, S. 711-713