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Existing studies on the association between unemployment and health indices suffer reciprocal causality bias. Existing studies do not demonstrate that unemployment results in poor health rather than vice versa. This study avoids the reciprocal causality bias by measuring disability as an incidence rate and using measures of unemployment prior to the onset of the disability. Evidence from a large national longitudinal data set is presented that suggests that an individual's unemployment is useful in predicting subsequent disability. Aggregate countywide measures of unemployment, on the other hand, do not help predict an individual's probability of becoming disabled.

This study investigates the direct and indirect effects of education on an individual's self-reported work hours lost due to illness with data from the Michigan Panel Study of Income Dynamics. It is argued that education can influence health directly through greater knowledge of health problems, and indirectly by allowing access to a high-status job. Although the measure of ill-health used in the study may not be entirely accurate, and the model only allows for causation running from education, earnings, and occupational status to illness rather than vice-versa, the results suggest that education has only significant indirect effects and no direct effects on ill-health. If education affects health only through allowing the individual access to a higher status job and if the proportion of higher status jobs is relatively constant, then increased education will not enhance public health.

Extensive economic research demonstrates correlations between unions with wages, income inequality, health insurance, discrimination, and other factors. Corresponding epidemiologic literature demonstrates correlations between income, income inequality, insurance, discrimination, and other factors with health. The first purpose of this narrative review is to link these literatures and identify 28 possible pathways whereby labor unions might affect the health of workers. This review is restricted to effects within workplaces; we do not consider unions' political activities. This review covers studies from the US, Europe, and Canada from 1980 through April 1, 2021. Pathways are grouped within five domains informed by the CDC 5-domain model of social determinants of health and the traditional 3-domain model of occupational medicine. Linked pathways include wages, inequality, excessive overtime, job satisfaction, employer-provided health insurance (EPHI), and discrimination. Second, we identify studies analyzing correlations between unions directly with health outcomes that do not require links. Outcomes include occupational injuries, sickness absence, and drug overdose deaths. Third, we offer judgments on the strength of pathways and outcomes --- labeled "consensus," "likely," "disputed" or "unknown" --- based on literature summaries. In our view, whereas there are four "consensus" pathways and outcomes and 16 "likely" pathways and outcomes for unions improving health, there are no "consensus" or "likely" pathways for harming health. The strongest "consensus" pathways and outcomes with salubrious associations include EPHI, OSHA inspections, dangerous working conditions, and injury deaths. Fourth, we identify research gaps and suggest methods for future studies. Unions are an underappreciated social determinant of health.

Abstract
Using longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics for 1997–2013 and difference-in-differences (DD) and difference-in-difference-in-differences (DDD) techniques, we estimate the effects of minimum wages on absence from work due to own and others' (such as children's) illnesses. We use person fixed effects within both linear and two-part models, the latter to explore changes at extensive and intensive margins. A lower educated group (likely affected by minimum wages) is compared with higher educated groups (likely unaffected). Within the lower educated group, we find higher minimum wages are associated with lower rates of absence due to own and others' illness combined and due to own illness alone, but not associated with absence due to others' illness. A $1 increase in the real minimum wage results in 19 % (in DD model) and 32 % (DDD) decreases in the absence rate due to own illness evaluated at the mean. These findings are strongest for persons who are not employed year-round and among the lowest wage earners. In additional analysis, we show that these effects are likely not due to changes in labor supply or job-related attributes. Instead, we find a possible mechanism: higher minimum wages improve self-reported health for lower educated workers.

This study uses the Tobit econometrics technique to investigate the correlates of work tardiness in a large national sample of workers. Evidence is found indicating that (1) marriage and years of work experience have negative and significant effects on tardiness, (2) professionals, managers, and persons commuting long distances to work report more days tardy than others, and (3) tardiness is not correlated with absenteeism.