Authoritarianism at School: Indoctrination Education, Political Socialisation, and Citizenship in North Korea
In: Asian studies review, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 231-249
ISSN: 1467-8403
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In: Asian studies review, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 231-249
ISSN: 1467-8403
In: Democratization, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 638-658
ISSN: 1743-890X
In: International affairs, Band 99, Heft 4, S. 1825-1827
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Journal of east Asian studies, Band 23, Heft 1, S. 95-123
ISSN: 2234-6643
World Affairs Online
In: Politics & gender, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 827-855
ISSN: 1743-9248
AbstractWhy is the #MeToo movement very active in some countries but not in others? What factors encourage the transnational diffusion of digital feminist activism? Although transnational forces are important, we argue that domestic political opportunity structures play a more significant role than transnational influences in the country-level diffusion of #MeToo. We collected 35,211 global tweets and used Bayesian statistical modeling to test the implications of our theory. Our findings support the idea that as a country better protects its citizens' political and civil rights and civil liberties, individuals in that country are more likely to engage in the #MeToo movement.
In: International security, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 9-47
ISSN: 0162-2889
World Affairs Online
In: International security, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 9-47
ISSN: 1531-4804
In 2017–18, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) changed its domestic security strategy in Xinjiang, escalating the use of mass detention, ideological re-education, and pressure on Uyghur diaspora networks. Commonly proposed explanations for this shift focus on domestic factors: ethnic unrest, minority policy, and regional leadership. The CCP's strategy changes in Xinjiang, however, were also likely catalyzed by changing perceptions of the threat posed by Uyghur contact with transnational Islamic militant groups in Southeast Asia and the Middle East, and a corresponding increase in perceived domestic vulnerability. This threat shifted from theoretical risk to operational reality in 2014–16, and occurred alongside a revised assessment that China's Muslim population was more vulnerable to infiltration by jihadist networks than previously believed. Belief in the need to preventively inoculate an entire population from "infection" by these networks explains the timing of the change in repressive strategy, shift toward collective detention, heavy use of re-education, and attention paid to the Uyghur diaspora. It therefore helps explain specific aspects of the timing and nature of the CCP's strategy changes in Xinjiang. These findings have implications for the study of the connections between counterterrorism and domestic repression, as well as for authoritarian preventive repression and Chinese security policy at home and abroad.
In: International studies review, Band 23, Heft 4, S. 1495-1517
ISSN: 1468-2486
What is field research? Is it just for qualitative scholars? Must it be done in a foreign country? How much time in the field is "enough"? A lack of disciplinary consensus on what constitutes "field research" or "fieldwork" has left graduate students in political science underinformed and thus underequipped to leverage site-intensive research to address issues of interest and urgency across the subfields. Uneven training in Ph.D. programs has also left early-career researchers underprepared for the logistics of fieldwork, from developing networks and effective sampling strategies to building respondents' trust, and related issues of funding, physical safety, mental health, research ethics, and crisis response. Based on the experience of five junior scholars, this paper offers answers to questions that graduate students puzzle over, often without the benefit of others' "lessons learned." This practical guide engages theory and praxis, in support of an epistemologically and methodologically pluralistic discipline.