Ethnonationalist conflict in postcommunist states: varieties of governance in Bulgaria, Macedonia and Kosovo
In: East European politics, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 123-124
ISSN: 2159-9173
29 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: East European politics, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 123-124
ISSN: 2159-9173
In: International security, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 92-131
ISSN: 1531-4804
Side switching by armed groups is a prominent feature of many civil wars. Shifts in alignment have far-reaching consequences, influencing key outcomes such as civil war duration and termination, military effectiveness, levels of civilian victimization, and state-building prospects. In Sudan's wars, ideological and ethnic cleavages have not influenced factional alignments nearly as much as one might expect given the prominence of clashing political projects and ethnically organized violence in southern Sudan and Darfur. Recent explanations highlighting the role of territorial control, factional infighting, or relative power considerations also have limited value. In many wars fought in weak states characterized by low barriers to side switching, two mechanisms explain patterns of collaboration and defection: first, political rivalries that lead actors to collaborate in exchange for military support in localized struggles; and second, patronage-based incentives that induce collaboration for material gain. A nested analysis drawing on original data from wars in southern Sudan and Darfur supports this argument. The findings have implications for understanding alignments in civil wars, the role of weak states in counterinsurgency, and ethnic politics more generally, as well as policy relevance for factionalized civil wars.
In: European journal of international relations, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 571-595
ISSN: 1460-3713
The crisis in Darfur led to one of the most powerful advocacy campaigns in recent US history. Responding to intense political pressures from this campaign, the US engaged Sudan in a heated public confrontation, increasingly echoing the rhetoric of an advocacy campaign that was surprisingly indifferent to realities on the ground in Darfur. This article examines how the exceptional mobilization around Darfur affected US policy and diplomatic outcomes, using the case to explore larger theoretical questions around deception and truthfulness in International Relations. There was a curious disconnect between the exceptionally strong language US leaders used during the crisis, and the failure of these public claims, promises and threats to achieve the desired diplomatic outcomes. Such strong language should have bolstered US arguments to persuade allies to support measures against Sudan, given the US bargaining leverage with Sudan, and opened opportunities for activists to rhetorically entrap US officials into defending the norms they publicly invoked. Instead, I argue that US leaders bullshitted their way through the crisis in response to advocacy and the demands it generated. Far from being a harmless form of moral posturing, this complicated US diplomatic efforts and undermined the prospects for a political solution in Darfur. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Sage Publications Ltd. & ECPR-European Consortium for Political Research.]
In: European journal of international relations, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 571-595
ISSN: 1354-0661
World Affairs Online
In: European journal of international relations, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 571-595
ISSN: 1460-3713
The crisis in Darfur led to one of the most powerful advocacy campaigns in recent US history. Responding to intense political pressures from this campaign, the US engaged Sudan in a heated public confrontation, increasingly echoing the rhetoric of an advocacy campaign that was surprisingly indifferent to realities on the ground in Darfur. This article examines how the exceptional mobilization around Darfur affected US policy and diplomatic outcomes, using the case to explore larger theoretical questions around deception and truthfulness in International Relations. There was a curious disconnect between the exceptionally strong language US leaders used during the crisis, and the failure of these public claims, promises and threats to achieve the desired diplomatic outcomes. Such strong language should have bolstered US arguments to persuade allies to support measures against Sudan, given the US bargaining leverage with Sudan, and opened opportunities for activists to rhetorically entrap US officials into defending the norms they publicly invoked. Instead, I argue that US leaders bullshitted their way through the crisis in response to advocacy and the demands it generated. Far from being a harmless form of moral posturing, this complicated US diplomatic efforts and undermined the prospects for a political solution in Darfur.
In: International peacekeeping, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 99-117
ISSN: 1743-906X
In: International peacekeeping, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 99-117
ISSN: 1353-3312
World Affairs Online
In: Diplomacy and statecraft, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 112-134
ISSN: 1557-301X
In: Diplomacy & statecraft, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 112-134
ISSN: 0959-2296
In: The journal of legislative studies, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 115-135
ISSN: 1743-9337
In: Public administration: an international quarterly, Band 73, Heft 3, S. 339-356
ISSN: 0033-3298
In: Commonwealth and comparative politics, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 45-56
ISSN: 1743-9094
In: Local government studies, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 15-32
ISSN: 1743-9388
In: Public administration: an international journal, Band 64, Heft 3, S. 251-256
ISSN: 1467-9299
In: Local government studies, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 89-94
ISSN: 1743-9388