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The Role of Trust in the Prioritization of Channel Choices
Part 2: Services and Interoperability ; International audience ; The role of trust is a significant element in the digital channel. While most studies have examined how the idea of trust has affected users' behaviors and developed integrative models of e-government, little attention has been paid to its critical role as a factor affecting citizens' preference toward certain service channels. There is no systematic investigation to compare different types of channel choices by differentiating between primary public service deliveries such as government information, application and transaction, and e-participation. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore how to perceive the role of trust as a possible determinant of service choice, in terms of different types of government services. Using survey data collected in Taiwan 2011, this study utilized a multinominal logistic analysis to examine the proposed models. The findings suggest that the different types of channel choices can be influenced by certain critical elements such as, political trust, trust in the Internet, and risk concern.
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Evaluating the Impact of E-government on Citizens: Cost-Benefit Analysis
In: Citizens and E-Government, S. 37-52
Testing the Development and Diffusion of E‐Government and E‐Democracy: A Global Perspective
In: Public administration review: PAR, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 444-454
ISSN: 1540-6210
E‐government uses information and communication technology to provide citizens with information about public services. Less pervasive, e‐democracy offers greater electronic community access to political processes and policy choices. Few studies have examined these twin applications separately, although they are widely discussed in the literature as distinct. The authors, Chung‐pin Lee of Tamkang University and Kaiju Chang and Frances Stokes Berry of Florida State University, empirically analyze factors associated with the relative level of development of e‐government and e‐democracy across 131 countries. Their hypotheses draw on four explanations of policy change—learning, political norms, competition, and citizen pressures. All four explanations are strongly linked to nations where e‐government policy is highly advanced, whereas a country's e‐democracy development is connected to complex internal factors, such as political norms and citizen pressures.
Testing the Development and Diffusion of E‐Government and E‐Democracy: A Global Perspective
In: Public administration review: PAR, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 444-455
ISSN: 0033-3352
Using Internet Survey to Evaluate the Effects of E-Government: The Case of Taiwan’s Tax Return Filing System
In: Electronic Governance and Cross-Boundary Collaboration, S. 184-197
Impact of E-Governance on Businesses: Model Development and Case Study
In: Electronic Governance and Cross-Boundary Collaboration, S. 166-183
Factors affecting citizen satisfaction: examining from the perspective of the expectancy disconfirmation theory and individual differences
In: Asian journal of political science, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 35-60
ISSN: 1750-7812
The Interplay Between Digital and Political Divides: The Case of e-Petitioning in Taiwan
In: Social science computer review: SSCORE, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 37-55
ISSN: 1552-8286
Political scientists have long been aware of the problem of unequal participation in democratic politics, the phenomenon we can call "political divide." The emergence of information and communication technologies over recent years has sparked a discussion on whether this long-standing political divide can now be resolved by "e-democracy." This study aims to answer two questions: (i) Can e-democracy, specifically e-petitions, attract traditional nonparticipants to participate in public affairs? (ii) In the context of promoting e-petitions, can "digital divide" alleviate the problem of "political divide?" The data used in this study were collected from a national poll on citizen experience of and willingness to participate in the petitioning for referendum. The results indicate that those who recall participating in paper petitions tended to be older, less educated, and with stronger party identification. Also, our results reveal that these people who can be effectively mobilized by traditional social networks are mostly, in fact, the "digital have-nots." Furthermore, regarding the potential participants in e-petitions, we find that those "digital haves," who had not been mobilized in previous paper-based petition sessions, were more likely to participate in e-petitions if they are implemented in the future. The results demonstrate the existence of a possible negative correlation between the political and the digital divide. This suggests that e-democracy might be potentially beneficial to alleviate the long worried negative effects of the political divide in democratic polity.