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»Verschwörungserzählung« landete – nach »Corona-Pandemie« und »Lockdown« – auf Platz drei der Liste der Wörter des Jahres 2020 der Gesellschaft für deutsche Sprache. Diese Liste beschreibt damit treffend, welche Themen das 2020 besonders geprägt haben. Der Verschwörungsglaube war scheinbar plötzlich überall sichtbar und trotzdem ist unklar, warum nun Menschen eigentlich, dass geheime Mächte die Geschicke der Welt lenken und welche Konsequenzen hat dieses Weltbild?

Corona ist eine Erfindung der Pharmaindustrie! Menschen, die daran erkranken, müssen so für ihre Sünden büße︢n! Oder: Das Virus wurde in chinesischen Geheimlaboren gezüchtet! Verschwörungstheorien verbreiten sich nicht nur im Netz wie Lauffeuer und sind schon lange kein Randphänomen mehr. Katharina Nocun und Pia Lamberty beschreiben, wie sich Menschen aus der Mitte der Gesellschaft durch Verschwörungstheorien radikalisieren und die Demokratie als Ganzes ablehnen. Welche Rolle spielen neue Medien in diesem Prozess? Wie schnell wird jeder von uns zu einem Verschwörungstheoretiker? Und wie können wir verdrehte Fakten aufdecken und uns vor Meinungsmache schützen? (Verlagstext)

During the coronavirus disease pandemic rising in 2020, governments and nongovernmental organizations across the globe have taken great efforts to curb the infection rate by promoting or legally prescribing behavior that can reduce the spread of the virus. At the same time, this pandemic has given rise to speculations and conspiracy theories. Conspiracy worldviews have been connected to refusal to trust science, the biomedical model of disease, and legal means of political engagement in previous research. In three studies from the United States (N = 220; N = 288) and the UK (N = 298), we went beyond this focus on a general conspiracy worldview and tested the idea that different forms of conspiracy beliefs despite being positively correlated have distinct behavioral implications. Whereas conspiracy beliefs describing the pandemic as a hoax were more strongly associated with reduced containment-related behavior, conspiracy beliefs about sinister forces purposefully creating the virus related to an increase in self-centered prepping behavior.

Abstract. Only little is known about the underpinning psychological processes that determine medical choices. Across four studies, we establish that conspiracy mentality predicts a preference for alternative over biomedical therapies. Study 1a (N = 392) and 1b (N = 204) provide correlational support, Study 2 (N = 185) experimentally tested the role of power: People who endorsed a conspiracy mentality perceived a drug more positively if its approval was supported by a powerless (vs. powerful) agent. Study 3 (N = 239) again showed a moderating effect of power and conspiracy mentality on drug evaluation by comparing analytic versus holistic approaches. These findings point to the consequences of conspiracy mentality for health behavior and prevention programs.

Germany's past is marked not only by the atrocities of the Holocaust, but also by a history of collective attempts to come to terms with these crimes. The present paper focuses on the previously rarely explored consequences of perceived success in dealing with a perpetrator past for the moral ingroup-image and the demand for an end to the discussion of this chapter of history (i.e., demand for historical closure). In one correlational study (N = 982) and three experimental studies (N = 904), we found robust evidence for a positive association between perceived success in dealing with the Nazi past and perceived ingroup morality. The results on the assumed influence of success on claims for historical closure, mediated by morality, were only partly supportive and inconsistent, particularly when controlling for political orientation and collective narcissism. However, final single-paper meta-analyses revealed a significant association between perceived ingroup morality and demand for historical closure (K = 5), as well as a small but significant effect of success (vs. failure) on demand for historical closure (K = 4), even when accounting for political orientation. Implications for understanding ethical self-views in historical perpetrator groups and recurring debates about a 'Schlussstrich' on the German Nazi past are discussed.

Germany's past is marked not only by the atrocities of the Holocaust, but also by a history of collective attempts to come to terms with these crimes. The present paper focuses on the previously rarely explored consequences of perceived success in dealing with a perpetrator past for the moral ingroup-image and the demand for an end to the discussion of this chapter of history (i.e., demand for historical closure). In one correlational study (N = 982) and three experimental studies (N = 904), we found robust evidence for an association between perceived success in dealing with the Nazi past and perceived ingroup morality. Although the results on the assumed influence of success on claims for historical closure, mediated by morality, were only partly supportive and inconsistent, particularly when controlling for political orientation and collective narcissism, final single-paper meta-analyses revealed a significant association between morality and historical closure (K = 5), as well as a small effect of success (vs. failure) on historical closure (K = 4). Implications for understanding ethical self views in historical perpetrator groups and recurring debates about a Schlussstrich on the German Nazi past are discussed. ; reviewed ; acceptedVersion

Polarisierungen haben die Mitte der Gesellschaft erreicht und sie beeinflusst. In Teilen geht die herkömmliche Mitte verloren. Die Menschen wenden sich einer vermeintlich neuen, radikalen Mitte zu, die ihren Zusammenhalt aus der Abwertung von anderen schöpft. Das untersucht die aktuelle "Mitte-Studie" der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung anhand einer repräsentativen Bevölkerungsumfrage vom Herbst 2018. Die Autorinnen und Autoren analysieren die politischen und sozialen Einstellungen der Bundesbürgerinnen und -bürger und prüfen, wie fragil und gespalten die gesellschaftliche Mitte, die stets als Garant für Stabilität und feste Normen galt, heute ist. Rechtsextreme Gruppen treten öffentlichkeitswirksam an der Seite "normaler" Bürgerinnen und Bürger auf, rechtspopulistische Forderungen und Diskurse erhalten scheinbar immer mehr Raum in Politik und Debatte. Wie weit sind rechtsextreme, rechtspopulistische und menschenfeindliche Einstellungen in die Mitte der Gesellschaft eingedrungen? Haben Polarisierungen und Konflikte die Norm von der Gleichwertigkeit aller Gruppen verschoben? Ist die demokratische Mitte geschrumpft oder verloren? Antworten gibt die neue "Mitte-Studie", die seit 2002 antidemokratische Einstellungen in der deutschen Bevölkerung untersucht.

Polarisierungen haben die Mitte der Gesellschaft erreicht und sie beeinflusst. In Teilen geht die herkömmliche Mitte verloren. Die Menschen wenden sich einer vermeintlich neuen, radikalen Mitte zu, die ihren Zusammenhalt aus der Abwertung von anderen schöpft. Das untersucht die aktuelle "Mitte-Studie" der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung anhand einer repräsentativen Bevölkerungsumfrage vom Herbst 2018 bis ins Frühjahr 2019. Die Autorinnen und Autoren analysieren die politischen und sozialen Einstellungen der Bundesbürgerinnen und -bürger und prüfen, wie fragil und gespalten die gesellschaftliche Mitte, die stets als Garant für Stabilität und feste Normen galt, heute ist. Rechtsextreme Gruppen treten öffentlichkeitswirksam an der Seite "normaler" Bürgerinnen und Bürger auf, rechtspopulistische Forderungen und Diskurse erhalten scheinbar immer mehr Raum in Politik und Debatte. Wie weit sind rechtsextreme, rechtspopulistische und menschenfeindliche Einstellungen in die Mitte der Gesellschaft eingedrungen? Haben Polarisierungen und Konflikte die Norm von der Gleichwertigkeit aller Gruppen verschoben? Ist die demokratische Mitte geschrumpft oder verloren? Antworten gibt die neue "Mitte-Studie", die seit 2002 antidemokratische Einstellungen in der deutschen Bevölkerung untersucht. Mit Beiträgen von Wilhelm Berghan, Frank Faulbaum, Alexander Häusler, Daniela Krause, Beate Küpper, Pia Lamberty, Nico Mokros, Jonas H. Rees, Franziska Schröter, Andreas Zick.

To understand recent anti-refugee protests in Europe, we examined how different levels of inclusiveness of group identities (national, European, and global) are related to intentions to protest among native Europeans. We focused on the mediating role of autochthony (a belief that the first inhabitants of a territory are more entitled) and the moderating role of threat. Survey data from 11 European countries (N=1909) showed that national identification was positively associated with autochthony, and therefore, with the intention to protest against refugees. In contrast, global identification was related to lower protest intentions via lower autochthony. These paths were found only among Europeans who perceived refugees as a threat. European identification was not related to the endorsement of autochthony or to collective action. These findings indicate why and when majority members are willing to participate in collective action against refugees, and underscore the importance of global identification in the acceptance of refugees.

To understand recent anti-refugee protests in Europe, we examined how different levels of inclusiveness of group identities (national, European, and global) are related to intentions to protest among native Europeans. We focused on the mediating role of autochthony (a belief that the first inhabitants of a territory are more entitled) and the moderating role of threat. Survey data from 11 European countries (N = 1,909) showed that national identification was positively associated with autochthony, and therefore, with the intention to protest against refugees. In contrast, global identification was related to lower protest intentions via lower autochthony. These paths were found only among Europeans who perceived refugees as a threat. European identification was not related to the endorsement of autochthony or to collective action. These findings indicate why and when majority members are willing to participate in collective action against refugees, and underscore the importance of global identification in the acceptance of refugees.